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rHE PROSE VOYAGE IMAGINAIRE BEFORE 1800: AN HISTORICAL
AND CRITICAL STUDY
RALPH EARLE TIEJE
A. B. University of Illinois, 1910
A. M. University of Illinois, 1912
Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPER-
VISION BY .... UU.. LJLfL. L^JL.. T
iiAl- sx^. ^^Jb^\A^uaJL a^^sL £<\slJ^L£uL..
BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF jJLteg^Etel*.
Head of Department
Recommendation concurred in :*
*Required for doctor's degree but not for master's.
TAfcLE OJ? CONTENTS
Chaj ter I, A Definition of the Voyage lnaginaire 1.
Chapter II, The Voyage Inaginaire before Lore's Utopia (1516) .... 17
Chaiter III, The Voyage Imgjginalre from Lore to Gott (1516 - 1648} 58
Chapter IY, The Voyage Imaginaire from i..ontpensier to Tysaot
(1662 - 1723) 143,
Chapter V, The Voyage Imaginaire from Swift to Walter (1726 - 179^0 195
Chapter VI, The Artistic Theory and Development of the
Voyage Imaginaire.. 251,
ApOlOgy is perhaps due to a suffering public for adding to the
already large stock of historical and critical material on the novel rnd romcnee;
but it nay be urged in defence of this volume that it treats of a field which
has so far been ignored by the chief critics and historians. The remans, as
the bibliography and the first charter will indicate, have done considerable
with the Utopias, but not in a literary way; their interest has centered not
in the literary or artistic qualities and significance of these works, but in
t:eir intellectual influence. Even historians of fiction have, while dealing
with occasional works of this class, tended to ignore the type as a type; or
when they did recognize its existence, they have not given it consideration
enough to reder the formulation of an accurate definition possible. This
dissertation has sought, therefore, to give within the limits set for it a
thorough historical survey of a class of prose fiction, as well as to define
Certain of the strictures placed upon the study may seem arbitrary.
The limitation of the scope of the work to the field of the prose voyage
imaginaire is one of these; but ihe inclusion of poetical voyages would have
produced two hampering results. It would, first of all, have extended the
bounds of the investigation beyond a manageable limit; and in the second place,
it would have i recluded the discussion of the voyage imaginaire as a type of
prose fiction. As a precedent for such restriction of a stud;- to prose fiction
I cite Du;«lop. furthermore, the prose voyage and the poetical deal, in most
cases, with entirely different materials and subjects, and their form makes
possible theories concerning them divergent. The exclusion of poetry has, then,
tended to i roduce a unity of subject matter not otherwise obtainable. The
date set as the close of the period covered in this investigation was deter-
mined chiefly by the fact that by 1800 practically all of the characteristics
which distinguish the voyage lma glgalr e had been doveloied, and that conse-
quent^ a survey of the tyi e before tU't year would reveal in full the growth
and expansion of the voyage . ...ack of time nlso made necessary a limitation
Of the material presented, and so the nineteenth century was omitted as being
able to be scared with least loss to the value of the study as a history,
r'or the same reason many interesting side issues have been ignored — the
relation of the voyag e imaginaire to politics, joiitical science, economics,
religion, and education. These omissions 1 hope to remedy in the printed book.
Certain apologies are also due to scholars abroad. While the sub-
ject of this the? is was suggested to the author in the summer of 1912, and was
held in mind by him from that time on, actual vork u on it was not begun until
the autumn of 1914 since research equipment was not available to him during
the interim. V*hen 1 returned to the University of Illinois, hostilities had
already broken out in Lurope. This situation made it impossible to secure
certain merman books of great importance to the work — notable Prys, Per
dtaatsroman in loten und 17tcn Jahrhunderts and Ha*nnling, Pahrten nach ^ond
SPnne — as well as others of lesser value. In addition, volumes xxi - xxxix
of the Voyages Imaginaires (G-arnier, 1737 - 1739 j have not been available,
although some of the material contained in them has been found elsewhere,
either in separate editions or in sumriary. It is possible, of course, that the
examination of this material might change some of the conclusions I have drawn;
but 1 do not believe that such is likely to be the case. 1 think, moreover,
that any possible changes would be very slight, ^here is, also, some likeli-
hood that I have appropriated to myself discoveries already published in some
of these unobtainable critical works. If such has been the case, 1 hasten to
disclaim any intentional trespass, and to apologize for the unintended plagia-
There remains only tc ex; ress my indebtedness to particular individ-
uals. Kspecial tlianks must be nccorded i rofessor Ernest bernbaum, oi* the
University of Illinois, under whose immediate supervision this thesis was
prepared. Acknowledgement is also due to Professors E. C. Baldwin and Jacob
$tltlin« of the University of Illinois, and to ^r. A. J. Tieje, of the
University of Minnesota, for valuable suggestions, as it is to various members
of the University of Illinois library otaff, especially ^iss Heilie hoberts,
for tleir unfailing courtesy and kindly aid in securing bcoks.
i-ay lo, 1?17.
THE DEFINITION OF VOYAGE IMAGINATIVE .
Much has "been written on the history of prose fiction;
criticism has treated certain special phases of it; but the
voyage imaginaire , although the term has found occasional use
for almost two hundred years, and the type has been in existence
for as many more, remains undeservedly neglected. Various cir-
cumstances have, no doubt, contributed to this disregard. First
of all, many works which may be so classed have disappeared al-
together, or exist now only in rare copies. Even collections of
these fictions, such as Gamier 'e Voyages Imarrinaires (1787 -
1789) or 7'eber's Popular Romances (1812), can not readily be
procured; in fact, only the former seems now to be obtainable,
and at that seldom in complete sets. 1 Another cause of this
neglect has been the tendency to classify novels according- to
their apparent purpose or to the author's manner of treating
his subject — as political or pastoral. The voyage imaginaire
has, however, in the course of its development dealt with a
variety of purposes and has not always treated its material in
the sane way; and as a result of this classification has usually
1. I know of no complete set in America. The British Museum
and the Bodlean Library have one each. Harvard has volumes
1-30 inclusive; the University of Illinois, volumes 1-20
inclusive. See Bibliography for full title and contents.
been assumed to be a sub-variety of some other species. But
whatever the cause, the result is clear; the term has had very
little roal and exact signification and still less use. Among
historians of fiction Dunlop and Haleigh 4 alono mention the
type. Burton, Cross, Dawson, Forsyth, Holliday, Jeffrepon,
JusBerand, Lanier, Saintsbury, and Stoddard contenting them-
selves, when they discuss works which might be so classed, with
a consideration of the individual author and his books. Two
scholars have also attempted definitions, which, however, can-
not, as will be seen, meet the test of practicability. The
purpose of this study is, then, not alone to establish the
voyage imaginaire in its rightful place as an important type of
prose fiction, but also to give the term a meaningful and work-
able definition, and at the same time to trace, as far as pos-
sible, the relation of the individual voyages to each other
and in some measure to the development of prose fiction as a
As has been said, the term voyage imaginaire is almost
two hundred years old; but in all that time it has not borne
any real or exact meaning. Perhaps the earliest definition is
that of l'Abbe Desfontaine, who in the Preface to his transla-
tion of Gulliver 's Travels (1727) classifies under that term
2. Morgan, Charlotte, Novel of Manners , 1911, Dp. 18 - 19.
3. Dunlop, John, History of Prose Piotion , third edition, 1845,
pp. 389 - AOTT.
4. Raleigh, "/alter, The English Hovel , fifth edition, 1906,
pp. 136 and 219.
5. Tieje, A. J., The Expressed Aim of Long Prose Miction from
1579 to 174C ~Tti the Journal of English and Germanic
Philology , vol. X, pg. 405; and Morgan, Charlotte, Novel
of Manner's , pp. 18 - 19.
Plato's Republic , More's Utopia , Bacon's hew Atlantis , Lucian's
Vorae Historiae . Cyrano's Voyages , Vairasso's L 'Histoiro dos
So vo ranbes , Foigny's Jacques Sadcur, tho Voyages de Jacques Mace ,
and Swift's Gulliver as containing the idea. of "un pays suppose
et un voyage imaginaire " . 6 Sixty years later an equally loose
classification persisted; for when in 1787 Carnier bepan issuing
his collection of Voyages Imapinaires , Romanesques , 1'ervellieux,
Allegoriques , Amu sans , Comiques et Critiques , Suivis des Songcs
et Visions , e t des Romans Cabal is ti que s , he opened it with
Robinson Crusoe , and included such fiction as Gulliver ' s Travels ,
Cyrano de Bergerac ' s Ultats et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil ,
Holberg's Iter subterraneum , and Bethune's Monde de Her cure .
The Utopias are represented by Vairasse's L 'Histoire des Sever -
ances and Grivel's L ' Isle Inconnue . The collection also contains
the Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle — a guide book descrip-
tion of various real countries which the author supposedly
visited, together with the histories of several pairs of lovers,
ending with a description of Pennsylvania and the city of Phila-
delphia. Les Voyages de Quevedo — a dream satire on the
follies of mankind — likewise finds a place in the collection.
The later volumes include sorel's L ' lie de Portraiture and
Sterne's Sentimental Journey * 8 After surveying these volumes
6. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XIV, pp. xxi - xxiTT
7. Other representatives of the realistic type in Gamier 's
collection are Les Aventures d 'un Kspagnol , vol. CI I , pp.
7 - 72.; Naufrage et Aventures de H. Pierre Viaud , same,
pp. 213 - 384; and Naufrage de Mjme" Codin , same pp. 387-421.
8. I have cited examples of the voyages imaginaires only. The
songes et visions are represented by LeVepque'B Reves
d'AristoTule , etc.; and the roman cab alls t iques by L'Amant
Salamandre , etc. For a complete list of contents see the
and Booking to reconcile under ono definition their varied con-
tents, the confusion becomes only the worse confounded.
Upon this collection, however, Dunlop based his discussion
of the typo. 9 His treatment is, nevertheless, valuable not only
because it is the first in English studios of the novel, but
because it is the only one; for Raleigh merely notes in one case
that novels of this genre have an "ulterior purpose, political
or satirical", and in another that Peter Tilkins (1750) is a
voyage imaginaire Dunlop's discussion has further worth in
that it preserves summaries of rare books, such as the Hai Ebn
Yokdhan (cir. 1198), and points out parallels, as in the case of
Cyrano de Bergerac and Dean Swift. Its (treat fault, lies in
basing its classification not upon a critical examination of the
individual works, but upon a printer's collection. Gamier 's
divisions as indicated on the title page of the ?rench work
Dunlop follows exactly. His own definition, moreover, is un-
workable. To say that voyages imaginaires "bear the same rela-
tion to real travels and voyages as the common novel and romance
to history and biography" 11 is to state the truth but vaguely;
for the border line between the real and the fictitious is not
always drawn with ease and accuracy. He comes somewhat nearer
the heart of the matter when he writes they "are generally in-
tended to exhibit descriptions, events, and subjects of instruc-
tion, which are not furnished by the scenes and manners of this
world" (589); but the meaning of these words is made uncertain
9. Dunlop, J., History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pp. 389-
10. Raleigh, 17., The Smrlish Novel, fifth edition, pp. 136 and
11. Dunlop, J., His to ry of Prose Fiction , pg. 389.
by his admission to tho genro of ai oh books as Storno's '3ont i -
montal Journoy . In fact, Dunlop carrios tho student no farther
alon<~ the road toward a definition than did his French prede-
More recent writers have also failed to produce satisfac-
tory definitions. Miss Charlotte norgan, as has been mentioned,
says the voyage imaginaire is a sub-division of the political
romance, and cites Hall's Mundus Alter et Ider, as an example.
Since, however. Hall's fundus Alter et Idem deals very little
with political affairs and is primarily a moral satire, Miss
Morgan's classification is hardly sound. Moreover, it does not
allow the inclusion within the genre of such works as Peter
Wilkins and the Voyage de Milord Ceton , both of which are ob-
viously voyages imaginaires .
Dr. A. J. Tieje is more exact. He says: "By the term
voyage imaginaire is meant a rather unified narrative, aiming
specifically at literary criticism, at amusement through the in-
troduction of the wildly fantastic, or at social improvement
of the race, and invariably carrying the reader into unexplored
regions". At first sight this definition appears to be sat-
isfactory, but there is real difficulty in its application. As
regards realistic fiction, such as Robinson Crusoe , j)r. Tieje
carries us no farther than did G-arnier and Dunlop. For the
former included that work in his collection; the latter accepted
the inclusion; and Dr. Tieje placed it in his Bibliography as
12. Morgan, Charlotte, Novel of Manners , pp. 18 - 19.
13. Journal of English and Oermanic Philology , vol. X, pg. 405.
a voyage inaglnairo « To it ho adds Captain pingloton and the
New Voyage Around the 7/ or Id , as well as certain novels of
Penelope Aubin. 14 Why these are voyages imaginaires is not
olear. Just what social or literary criticism jjefoe expresses
is not obvious; nor is it apparent just what elements of the
"wildly fantastic", barring, perhaps, the African desert in
Singleton , his works contain. Except for this one detail of
natural history the book is both probable and possible. In the
New Voyage , as Dr. Maynadier remarks, "the hero sees animals
somewhat different from any in England, and rich poldfields, and
frightful volcanoes, but never anything beyond the imagination
of the most prosaic man". Robinson Crusoe , likewise, is
strongly realistic; its adventures are scarcely as improbable as
those of Treasure Island . In addition, whatever the professed
aim of the Robinsonades may be, t^ey gain their end by the minutelj
detailed narration of the efforts exerted by an individual or a
group to sustain life on a desert island. Their interest lies
not in a journey, not in the discovery of new peoples, but in a
realistic story of a struggle for existence, or man removed from
civilization and in combat with nature. As long as this is
their aim, they are not voyages imaginaires , but voyages in a
real world. Only when they use the Robinsonade element as a
means to the description of an imaginary state, as in L 'Histoire
des Sevorambes (1675); or to that of an ideal commonwealth, as
14. Tieje, A. J., The Theory of Characterization in Prose Fiction
prior to 1740 , 1917, pp. 1277 Adventures of Count de Vine -
vil (lT2lTT Tife of Madame Beaumont (1721 ) , The NobTe
Slaves (1722), and Life and Adventures of Lady Lucy ( 1726 )
are the novels of Penelope Aubin which Dr. Tieje calls
voyages imaginaires .
15. Introduction , vol. XIV, Collected Works of Defoe, edit ion, 1903 J
in L ' Isle Inconnuo (1703 - 1787); or to the expression of moral
satire, as in ■inllivor 'e Travels (1726); or to the exhibition
of marvels, as in refer V/ilklns , can they be accepted as falling
in the class of imaginary voyages •
.'hat has been said of Defoe's works may also be applied
to those novels of Penelope Aubin which Dr. Tieje includes in
his bibliography as voyages i magi nai res . They appear, in fact,
to have even less claim to inclusion than have those of Defoe.
It is true there is in them some dwelling on desert islands and
in caves, and some travelling from one place to another; but
these are the merest incidents in the novels. The main design
is the exhibition of virtue, and the narration of "histories".
If these novels be voyages ima?inairos , it is difficult to con-
ceive how any story, characters of which travel from one town
to another, can be excluded from the class.
The difficulty of giving an exact definition has lain
in the fact that "le pays suppose et un voyage imaginaire " of
l'Abbe Desfontaine have been considered as the authors' aim,
whereas in most cases they are really a means. Dr. Tieje, in
avoiding this error, fell into that of making his lines of de-
marcation too vague, and of accepting his predecessors' lax in-
terpretation of the word "imaginary" as meaning "that which did
not actually take place" -- no matter how likely or possible it
was for it to have taken place. In order that these mistakes
may be corrected two things must be remembered. The first is
that, in and of themselves, the voyages, the shipwrecks, the
16. Voyages Imaginaires, vol. XIX, pp. xxi r- xxii.
imaginary countries and beings ( except whore amusement is the
author's solo design ) have only a minor importance and a sub-
sidiary interest in the story. The author seeks (except a*ain
where amusement is his sole design) to instruct, reform, or
edify the reader by presenting the government or manners of an
imaginary people. The second thing to be remembered is that the
word "imaginary" in this term applies only to the non-existent;
not only must no journey have been made, but the nation or
country visited must also be one which has no real being. A
voyage imaginaire is, then, an autobiographic narrative of a
journey into an imaginary country written either for the pleasure
or profit of the reader, or for both.
The application of the definition to works in which the
author's whole or partial aim is instruction or reform is not
difficult. In them, as has been suggested, the writer seeks to
afford to the reader an illustration of good or evil, by de-
scribing either the excellence or the depravity of the government
or manners of an imaginary country inhabited by imaginary beiners -
men, beasts, or even plants. None can question the propriety
of considering such ideal states as lore's Utopia (1516) or
Vairasse's L 'Histoire de Severambes , as voyages of this class
since they make use of a traveller to present their matter and
since they deal with imaginary countries. On the other hand,
Harrington's Oceana is a work of another kind; there is in it no
journey, and it is so expository in character that one may auestior
whether it be narrative at all. Nor is there doubt as to the
classification of such philosophic works as Daniel's Voyage to
the 7; or LA of tho Cartesians (1690), of suoh moral satiro as
Hall "8 fundus Alter ot I den (1607), or of such political satire
as Brunt's Cacklogallinia (17r:7), for they, too, employ the
TOyage as a means, and to gain their ends employ the description
of improbable, if not impossible, countries.
Difficulty does, however, arise in a consideration of
those voyages imaginaires in which, for the amusement of the
reader, a fictitious hero is presented, who experiences marvellous
and improbable adventures in an imaginary country. To avoid
confusion both A imaginary character of the country and the improb-
ability of the adventures must be kept in mind. For if a ficti-
tious hero having fictitious adventures during a fictitious
Journey in an "unexplored rep-ion" were all that is necessary, as
Dr. Tieje implies, then neither any romance of the sea nor any
travel story can be distinguished from the class. But many of
these are realistic, as, for instance, Defoe's work. The ficti-
tious alone, therefore, is not a sufficient qualification. Like-
wise, improbability alone is not a sufficient qualification. For
if it were, then a host of improbable fictions with realistic
settings, such as Treasure Island and Tom Sawyer Abroad , would
intrude into the genre . In either case the lines of division
become too vague and shifting for the term voyage imaginaire to
have any special meaning and significance. It must, then, be
reserved, when applied to a book written for amusement, to
fictions like Barnes 1 G-erania (1675), Paltock's Peter v;ilkins ,
Verne's Off on a Comet, or de I.Iille's Manuscript Found in a
Copper Cylinder .
In connection with this fixing of limits for the genre
it may also be well to attempt some definition of its subdi-
visions. Certain oi' these are clear in themselves. Voyages
written for the purnose of social and philosophic satire can
hardly be mistaken; while voyages written for amusement offer
small difficulty except as they are to be distinguished from
the Robinsonades , and a careful application of the second half
of the definition will, it is believed, solve this problem. The
Utopia, however, does present a question. The term has been
loosely used in two senses -- that of an idealistic state and
that of an imaginary state. Moreover, the two senses are often
confused, not to say contradictory. Hall's Hun due Alter et
Idem is "ideal" as far as it is a creation of the author's fancy;
but it is certainly the opposite of "ideal" if that term means
"perfect" or "worthy of emulation". For this reason I have
throughout this study used the term inaginary state to denote
all such works, and have qualified the phrase further according
as the nations exhibited were, or were not, excellent in their
manners, habits, and governments.
Some confusion seems to have arisen as regards the char-
acter and purpose of these imaginary states. Von Mohl, the
first scholar to attempt an exhaustive study of the field, found
that they fell into three kinds, travel books, statistical de-
scriptions, and lives. ffith only the first of these is this
study concerned. A further and more important contribution on
17. Geschichte und Literatur des Staat swi s s ens chaf t en , 1855,
vol. I, pg. 170, ReiseschreibUng , statistischen schilderung ,
und .uebensgeschichte .
his part is this, that tho imaginary state concerns itself pri-
marily with three questions that of marriage, that of property,
that of tho distribut ion of labor. To these Pmpp-eman added
a fourth -- that of an asylum from the world. And all writers
thus far havo omitted the subject of education, which is an im-
portant element in practically every imaginary state from Plato
7oigt c assumes a point of view different from von Kohl's
when he says that the three elements in a utopia are the politic,
the philosophic, and the religious. These seem, however, not
to be elements, but rather to be attitudes on the part of the
authors; for narratives of imaginary states deal always with
one or more of the problems mentioned. It is the author's pur-
pose not the content of the book, which determines whether the
product shall be philosophic, as Plato's Republic ; politic, as
More's Utopia ; or religious, as Andreae's Ghristianopolis (1619).
Von Liohl, however, gave no accurate definition of the
type. Sudre ' included in it all literary and scientific writinrs
bearing on the problems of political reform -- a classification
which, we may conclude with Brugrreman, "ist so gut wie nichts".
Voigt, also, attempted to isolate the species when he raised
18. Oeschichte und Literatur der a t aat swi ss ens chaf t en , 1855,
vol. I, pg. 214.
19. Utopie und Ro binsonade , Untersuchung zur Schnabels Insel
Felsenburg , 1914, pg. 85.
20. Voigt, Andreas, soziale Utopien , 1906, pg. 2.
21. Sudre, Ueschichte der Communismu s, 1882; see Bruggeman,
Fritz, Utopie und Robinsonade , 1914, pg. 6.
an elaborate distinction between Idoalirnus , UtopiflmUB , and Poal -
ismus, concluding that a writer of Utopias ( Utopist ) is one
"who is, taken all in all, a ran startled by the great defects
of the existing order in state and society, filled with sadness
over them, and often in addition, with an embittered hate ap-ainet
them, and full of pity for all those who suffer under thoir op-
pression". His attitude toward such sympathy i? disclosed when
he remarks: "This is the true weakness of utopianism that the
world appears to it too simple, and that it believes to have
found the solution of all the world's problems". However much
light these commentaries may throw upon the state of mind which
produces a utopia, they do not illuminate the type. And Voigt
complicates the matter still more by distinguishing two artificial
classes, the archistic and the anarchistic (the centralized and
the decentralized). Such an arbitrary division, Bruggeman de-
clares, and we may agree with him, to be useless since pure in-
stances of either are not to be found except in rare cases
Jacques Sadeur being the only strictly anarchistic state known.
To Bruggeman, then, in default of other definitions, we must turn
for a compact expression. He says, and his satement is reasonably
accurate, "A Utopian romance is any presentation of an ideal com-
22. Voigt, A., Soziale Utopien , pg. 17: "Der ist, urn alles
zusammenzufassen, ein Mann, ergriffen von der grossen
Unvollkommenheiten der bestehneden Staatsund Gesellschaft-
sordnung, erfullt mit Unzuf riedenheit mit ihr, oft ?reradezu
von erbitterem Hasz gegen sie, und voll Llitleid fur alle,
welche unter Jenen Mangeln leiden".
23. Same, pg. V, Introduction , "Das eben ist ja der Fehler r<es
Utopismus, dapz ihm die Welt zu einfach vorkonmt und
er die Losung ihrer Widerspruch gefunden zu haben
ge s\Laubt " .
■unity in romance form, whether dealing with the orderin, of the
government or oj society' 1 .^ 4 Such a definition would, of course,
Include all varieties of the voyage im .ginaire except those
PSfltten solely for the purpose of amusement. Ihe Leas
ij, no dc , Lfiable tiiu^e those voyj-gea which aim at social
or philosophic criticism, as well as those which aim at political
reform, seek to gain their end by the presentation of an imaginary
state. But general usage has restricted the term to those works
which deal specifically with the political organization of the
state, and more narrowly still to those which present perfect
states. It is in this last and most limited sense that the word
"Utopia" is used in this study.
In this review of earlier discussions of voyages imag in -
spires, only attempts at definition have been considered. Dis-
cussions of particular works of the genre can best and most
clearly be presented in connection with our discussion of those
works. Of general critical discussion there is little, as has
been said, there are no extended considerations, of the voyage
imaginaire, and those few brief ones which do exist are concerned
mainly with the definition. The Germans, however, as the reader
may have inferred, have been busy in the field of the Staatsroman ;
but their studies have by no means been limited to the voya; e
imagir.aire type. Some of their discoveries, nevertheless, de-
serve mention here. It was von Mohl who first stated that the
24. Page 12, "Ein utopischer Roman ist jede Darstellung eines
idealen Gemeinwesens in Romanform, ob dessen nun in staat-
lichen einrichtung Oder dem sittlichen Verhalten der
Sinwohner zum Ausdruck gelangt". See also pg. 7 in Brugge-
man's Utopie und Hobinsonade . and Andreses Voigt's Soziale
Utopien , pp. 19 -2C.
tttopia did not flourish in the middle ages, assigning as causes
(1) the -rowth and 3pread of Christianity which lifted men's
minds from a contemplation of this world to a hope of reward in
one beyond, and (2) the influx of barbarian tribes with the at-
tendant destruction of culture. In this- opinion Voigt followed
him.'" 5 That it is just as far as the Utopias are concerned can-
not be denied, but the student must not extend the generaliza-
tion to the voyage imaginaire . Von Mohl and Voigt also agree
in assigning to Plato's Republic and Laws a general direct in-
fluence upon all later utopists an indebtedness which Barker
is not so ready to acknowledge. He prefers to consider Plato's
influence as pervasive rather than direct, and in this he is
probably right. 2 ^
Only two extended attempts have been made to trace in-
dividual influences between books of the genre . The first is
Bruggeman's analysis of Schnabel's Ins el ffelsenburg (1731), in
in which he discovered that only two Utopias, L'Histoire des
Sevcrambes and Jacques Sadeur , affected it. The other is Felix
Held's Introduction to his translation of Andreae's Christian -
opolis . This work will, for the sake of clearness, be considered
in detail in Chapter III. Here it is sufficient to remark that
the incomplete examination of evidence, the inconsistent applica-
tion of parallels, and the rash assumptions of probability in-
validate many, if not all, of the author's conclusions.
25. Von Mohl, R. , Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissen -
sehaften, 1855, vol. I, pg. 178; and Voigt, A.. Soziale
Utopien , pg. 55.
26. Barker, E. , Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle , 1906,
Certain facts regarding the critical literature concern-
ji&g the voyage imaginare are now clear. Only a few of these
Toy age 8 seem to have been considered by previous scholars. Plato,
More, Canipanella, Andreae, Bacon, Vairasse, Foigny, and Hoi berg
practically exhaust their lists. Unknown to them, or ignored,
were Camb'ens, Godwin, Kail, Gott, Cyrano, Daniel, Grivol, and
Bethune. Some of these, as Cyrano and Daniel, were of no sig-
nificance in their work; but certainly Grivel was. The student
also realises after a survey of the field that the relations
Of individual works have been but superficially touched upon.
Neither von Mohl, Voigt, or Dunlop do more than suggest scattered
or separate points; they do not follow up their clues. Brugge -
man's interest centers chiefly on the Robinsonades. Eeld T s work
Obviously, then, a study, of the voyage imaginaire is
desirable if for no other reason than to clear up the confused
notions in regard to the type. As a first step in this direction
a definition has already been attempted and made. There still
remains, however, the larger part of the task. The definition
itself must find justification in the historical survey. Al-
though German scholarship ha,s covered certain Utopias in the six-
teenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, others it has left
untouched. What is the importance of those not mentioned!
What is the significance of those voyages imaginaire s which are
not political in their bearings? Also, has there been any
27. Gott is discussed by Held. His work was not known until
1902, and then it was erroneously accredited to John
continuous development within the genre, and what relation has
Such development to that of fiction as a wholo? And finally
there remains the great question, \ihat fictional value has this
type 01' narrative? What does it enable the author to do, or the
reader to enjoy which other types do not? How has it solved the
jroblems of character, setting, and style? To answer these
questions is the purpose of this study.
TH'J VOYAGE I MAG I NAT RE BEFORE MORE'S UTOPIA (1516)
Since the innate curiosity of man concerning neighboring
countries did not always have at hand the means to satisfy it-
self, imagination was often forced to supply the lack of facts.
Thus have grown up the legends of strange races the Amazons
and the Hyperboreans, of remarkable nations — the Lilliputians
and the hairy giants, of perfect states Utopia and Severanbia.
In primitive times such inventions limited themselves to nations
across rivers, mountain ranges, or seas; 1 but as civilization
advanced and the means of intercommunication improved, the misty
regions of the unknown retreated. ™o Herodotus in fifth century
Greece Africa below Egypt and beyond the mountains of Atlas was
an unknown land; so, likewise, was trans-Danubian Europe and
Asia beyond the eastern frontier of Persia. For the medieval
mind the marvellous was found in India, China, and the Spice
Islands of the East. 2 Y/hen to these exploration added hitherto
unknown continents (America and Australia), speculation turned
thitherward and for two centuries peopled the new lands with
fabulous races and cities. After a time, however, further dis-
covery took from the new world its attractive mystery, and left
1. Antonius Diogenes, Of the ponders beyond Thule , cir. A.D.
1st cent., preserved only in summary by Photius.
2. Yoiage and Travaile of dir John I.laundeville, Knight, cir.
1350"; ■ — £ —
3. More, Campanella, Bacon, Vairasse, and Foigny located their
imaginary states in one or the other of these regions.
it a place no longer fit for imaginary states and extrarapant
adventure. Then the literature of the voyage _ijnajn_nair_e , fol-
lowing the lead of Lucian, entered the still more fantastic
field of interstellar space, where moon-people and star-people
are exhibited to the reader's gaze; or under the influence of
science it explored tho portions of the earth yet unconquered
by man - the poles, the "bottom of the sea, and the center of
the earth, 6
It was with the record of this curiosity and this imagin-
ation — amazing in its variety of form and content, and dis-
tinctive enough to have attracted to itself the special class
name of voyage imaginaire — that this study is concerned, .'/hat
was the first voyage imaginaire cannot he deternined with exact-
ness; and in an historical study a solution of the question is
not imperative since the type did not become really influential
until after 1516. Before that date only one real voyage
imaginaire — Lucian's Verae Historiae (cir. A.D. 200) — ap-
pears to have been v/ritten; but works of other sorts contain
much material upon which later authors of the voyage drew. The
True History of Herodotus (5th cent. B.O) abounds in descriptions
of little known nations. Plato in his Republic , Timaeus , and
Critias (4th cent. B. C), and Plutarch in his Life of Lycurgus
(A.D. 1st cent.) depict ideal states. Later still the Hai Ebn
4. Paltock, Robt., Peter yilkins (1750).
5. Verne, Jules, Twenty thousand Leagues under the Sea . (1872)
6. Ho lb erg, Ludwig, Iter~"5ubterraneurn (1741).
7. She works of Antonius Diogenes (see note 1, above) and of
Iamblichus, which Lucian satirizes in his History , are,
unfortunately, lost. They were intended, it appears,
as serious productions*
ypkdhan (cir. 1190) and Uandeville's Travels (cir. 1350 J present
yet other matter which was also inoorporatod in the voyago
imaginaire ♦ The aim of this chapter is to analyse each of
these works in an effort to determine what elements of the type
exist in them.
The True History of Herodotus is not a voyage i marina ire ,
but is, as its first paragraph says, a history of the Persian
wars. The historian's duty, as Herodotus conceived it, was,
however, to give not only an account of battles but also of all
contingent causes and events; consequently the book contains
descriptions of the many nations and colonies lying around the
Mediterranean and Black .Seas. The author, it is generally
agreed, travelled through r.ost of the countries he describes,
and his observation of "their scenery, their cities small and
large, their various wonders, their temples and buildings" as
well as of their manners and customs "is for the most part close
and accurate". 9 In this respect the True History is a travel
book; yet from it the authors of the voyage imaginaire may have
8. "These are the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, which
he publishes, in the hope of thereby preserving from decay
the remembe ranee of what men have done, and of preventing the
great and wonderful actions of the Greeks and the Barbarians
from losing their due meed of glory; and withal to put on
record what were the grounds of the feud." (Prom the transla-
tion by George Rawlinson, 1858-1860).
9. George Rawlinson, Introduction to his translation of the True
His to ry , says: "The quantum of his travel has indeed been
generally exaggerated; but after every deduction is made that
judicious criticism suggests as proper, there still remains,
in the distance between the extreme limits reached, and in the
fulness of the information gained, unmistakable evidence of
a vast amount of time spent in the occupation. Herodotus un-
doubtedly visited Babylon, Ardericca near Susa, the remoter
parts of Egypt, Scythia, Colchis, Thrace, Gyrene, zante,
Dodona, and Magna Graecia — thus covering in his travels a
space of thirty-one degrees of longitude (above 1700 miles)
east to west, and twenty-four of latitude (1660 miles) north
learned the method of describing similar practices when they
included them in their own works. Later writers may, also,
have borrowed directly from Herodotus some of the marvels he
mentions; but the authors of the voyage imaginaire seldom in-
dulge in such flights of fancy except when, as did Lucian,
they turn to satire.
tfrom the point of view of this study the most important
practice of Herodotus is his effort to gain verisimilitude.
Herodotus well knew that much of what he told would be
sceptically received by his ureek countrymen; and so, like a
true artist seeking a willing" suspension of disbelief on the
part of his readers, he aimed to give his work an appearance
of verisimilitude. His method was simple; yet with an un-
sophisticated people it doubtless was effective. It is not
wholly ineffective to-day. The practice consists chiefly in
a reiteration on one form or another of the phrase "I myself
saw". "Of my own knowledge I can testify to this", he says;
or, "What I have here mentioned I saw with my own eyes"."*"^
But Herodotus was too clever a v/riter to rely wholly upon this
to south. Within these limits his knowledge is for the
most part close and accurate. He has not merely paid a
hasty visit to the countries, but has examined them
leisurely, and is familiar with their scenery, their cities
small and large, their various wonders, their temples and
other buildings, and with the manners and customs of their
inhabitants. The fulness and minuteness of his informa-
tion is even more remarkable than its wide range, though
it has attracted less attention." ( Ouoted from reprint in
Everyman Edition of the True History , pp. ix -x.)
10. Herodotus, True His tory , translated by George Hawlinson,
IV, 33, and III, IE. (The Roman numerals refer to the
Book; the Arabic to the paragraph or chapter.) For other
examples see: IV, 15 and II, 27.
rather transparent method; and when the strain on the reader's
credulity became greater, he shifted the responsibility for the
truth on the shoulders of a third party. He writes, for
example, "That these were the real facts I learnt at l.iemphis
from the priest of Vulcan"; and again, "In all this I only re-
peat what is said by the Libyans" . 11 At times, also, Herodotus
even protests his limitations, thereby adding weight to his
bare word. He tells that "though I have taken vast pains, I
have never been able to prain an assurance from an eye -witness
that there is any sea on the further side of Europe"; or "As
far as the Atlantes the names of the nations inhabiting the sandy
ridge are known to me; but beyond them my knowledge fails".
For greater effectiveness, also, he occasionally seasons the
narrative with his own doubt. He rays, for instance, "I think,
but I speak only from conjecture" , or "I do not believe this
tale, but it is told nevertheless". 13 Such constant assurance
of personal knowledge, of personal belief, and of personal doubt
has its desired effect. The story seems true. Only when our
more extensive modern learning is critically applied to its state-
ments is the probability of the True History questioned.
Herodotus' information concerning the nations he visited
may be both full and minute, as Mr. Rawlins on suggests; 14 but
while the variety of it may at times be amazing, the paucity of
11. II, 3 and IV, 187. See also I, 83 and II, 99.
12. Ill, 115 and IV, 185.
13. IV, 88 and IV, 5. Other examples of the mathod may be found
in I, 105; II, 55 and 123; III, 50 and 80; IV, 16 and 86;
V, 72; VI, 47; VII, 60, 152, and 185; VIII, 8.
14. See Note 9 above.
detail is more often disappointing. When, for example, Herodotus
narrates the origins of certain peoples, he is interested only
in accounting for existing alliances; and so he is content with
naming the parent stock or colony. Forms of government,
legal practices, and political institutions also receive hut
"brief mention. 16 And his geographical data are often unreliable;
in fact, only once is he both explicit and exact, the geography
of Scythia being so minutely detailed that to-day the rivers
mentioned in the account may be identified with those in the
region. He is, however, as one would expect of an historian,
more circumstantial in his descriptions of the methods of war.
When he enumerates the units of the Persian host assembled by
Xerxes, he gives a stupefying catalog of dress and equipment .-^
At other times, as in his treatment of the Scythians, he explains
in detail various warlike practices; 1 ^ or when he speaks of the
Athenians, he tells how they order their battle line. But in
general Herodotus is content to mention the detail and pass on;
in no case is the development of a length great enough to have
afforded more than a hint to later writers.
The descriptions of home life, of social customs, of
religious and other practices are frequently longer, and are to
us perhaps of more importance, not because they constitute the
original source from which all later authors drew but because they
may have suggested to those who later described real or imaginary
15. See 1, 56; and 173; IV, 5 and 8 - 14; WT, 61, 62, 73, 75, —
16. For governmental forms see VI, 56 - 57; IV, 106; and V, 3.
For legal practice see I, 157 and IV, 69. For political
institutions see III, 20; VI, 59; and VIII, 8.
17. IV, 47-59.
18. VII, 62 - 85.
19. IV. 64 -65.
states the inclusion of such details in their work. Food, dress,
and shelter are seldom mentioned, and only in a few instances
are they fully described. He says that the Egyptians eat corn,
salted flesh, lotos, and another species of the "lily
which prows in the river and resembles the rose"*, or
he tells how the Agrippeans prepare aschy from the "fruit of a
certain tree, the name of which is Ponticum". But in most
cases he merely names the food, or cites such an unusual practice
as that of the Budini who eat lice. Other than the passage
concerning arms and armor dress is mentioned in only two places
and then briefly, 23 And shelter is fully described but twice. 24
Marriage is the one social custom which appears to have
interested Herodotus; but he seldom develops even that topic
unless complicated regulations, such as those of the Cnidians, 2 ^
force him to do so. It should, however, be noted that he records
communistic practices as existing among three nations. The
Auseans, he says, "dwell together like gregarious beasts", and
every three months their assembly assigns the grown children "to
those whom they most resemble". The Liassagetae, in some un-
explained way, combine communism and monogamy; for while "each
has but one wife, yet all the wives are held in common". Gom-
20. II, 77 and 92.
21. IV, 213.
22. VI, 109. For other references to food see: I, 216; IV, 172
and 174; and VI, 84.
23. Ill, 98 and V, 6.
24. IV, 191 and V, 16. For other references to shelter see: IV,
23 and 108.
25. I 173.
26! IV, 180; see also IV, 23.
27. I, 216. For other references to marriage practice see: I, 136
and 196; IV, 117, 118, 172, 176; and V, 6.
raunism of women is also practiced by the Agathyrsi It is,
however, unlikely that the authors of the voyage imaginaire
borrowed these details of communism from Herodotus. 7/ith the
exception of Campanella they do not extend the theory to include
women hut confine it to property; besides, a better source was
more readily at hand in Plato's Republic which held up communism
as an ideal. The treatment of other social customs is even more
slight than that of marriage. Only in the description of the
Persians does he discuss education, and then merely to tell
that the children remain with the women until the fifth year.
More unusual practices, also, are only mentioned, such as that
the Maxyans ' shaving one side of the head, or that of the
Scythians' blinding their slaves.
Since religion was an intimate duty of the individual
in the ancient world, Herodotus makes frequent mention of it.
Sometimes he does nothing more than name the gods; 32 at others
he tells of some peculiar religious rite, or explains a practice,
such as that of divination or soothsaying. 33 Only in the de-
scription of Persia, however, does he devote any considerable
space to the topic. 34 Similarly the burial ceremonies of the
various nations are quickly passed over, those of the Spartans,
Egyptians, and Scythians alone receiving circumstantial de-
28. IV, 104.
29. I, 136.
30. 17, 191.
31. IV, 2. For other customs see: I, 133, 134, 136, and 138.
32. I, 216; IV, 62; V, 7.
33. I, 74; III, 8; IV, 67, 68, 70, 172.
34. I, 131 and 132.
35. VI, 58; II. 78 and 85ff; IV, 71 and 72. See also I, 140;
III, 24; IV, 26 and 190; V, 4 and 8.
The treat mont of other customs is oven more cursory.
Bathing is mentioned three times and the Persians appear to
he the only people who take any sanitary precautions, while
medical practice is not noticed except in the descriptions of
Bgypt and Persia. 00 Commercial relations also are slighted,
Herodotus simply telling that the Persians have no markets;
that in Sparta the trades of herald, flute-player, and cook are
hereditary; and that the Egyptian men labor at the loom while
the women carry on trade. ^ 9 liven the stranger beliefs, such
as the loup - garou superstitions of the Eeurians, are also passed
over briefly. 40
A more interesting and more influential portion of the
True History is that which deals with the marvellous. Sometimes
the wonders are artificial creations, such as the canal dug by
the Cnidians 43 " or the irrigation system of central Asia; 42
again they are artistic productions, such as the golden vine and
plane tree presented to Darius. Natural wonders are, however,
more common. Geological marvels are presented in disappearing
streams 44 and fountains which are coolest at midday, 45 and
meteorological phenomena by the rainless winters of Scythia. 4 °
36. iv, 73; IV, 75; IX, 110.
37. I, 139.
38. II, 84; I, 197.
39. I, 153; VI, 60; II, 35. See also I, 94 and IV, 74.
40. See I, 94; IV, 2, 76, 105; and V, 6.
41. I, 74.
42. Ill, 117. See also III, 18 and 23, and IV, 186.
43. VII, 27. See also IV, 81.
44. VI, 76 and VII, 30. These marvels, as are all the others,
are accepted at Herodotus' own evaluation. Such sinking
streams are now known to be fairly common in regions
underlaid by limestone.
45. IV, 181. See also VI, 74.
46. IV, 28 - 30. "The character of the winter", he says, "is
unlike that of the same season in any other country."
(IV, 28). See also II, 22 and 142; 111,104; IV, 7 and 31.
There are, too, strange races of men — the goat-footed people
of the Caucasus, the nation in northern Europe which sleeps
one half of the year, and the one-eyed Arismapi. 47 But hiB
aninals are more curious than any of these. There are the
Garantian oxen which graze backward because of their huge horns,
horned asses, wild asses which do not drink, gold-minin^ ants,
go Id -guarding griffins, and the strange serpents of Arabia.
From this summary of the 'I. 1 rue History of Herodotus three
things are clear. First, Herodotus seeks to gain the reader's
belief by the simple method of direct testimony, being content
to say that he has seen or that someone has told him — a method
not essentially different from that of many later authors.
Second, his descriptions of manners, morals, customs, national
origins, geography, methods of war, and government are too
brief to have afforded more than a suggestion to later writers,
and are in many cases not of the sort later used in narrations
of imaginary countries. Third, the wonders mentioned by
Herodotus are of the kind which later writers of travel books
regularly described; and many of them may have been taken over
directly and without material change, as the gold-mining ants
of India or the creatures with eyes in their breasts, while
others descended indirectly through various kinds of narrative
that were indebted to Herodotus. These wonders, moreover, are
the part of the True His tory _ which was most likely to have ap-
pealed to medieval and renaissance min^ls excited by the current
47. Ill, 116; IV, 13 and 25. See also I, 202; II, 33ff; IV, 13,
23 32 43* VII 70.
48. IV, 183; IV, 191 and 192; III, 102; IV, 13; III, 107, 109,
110. See also II, 73, 75, 93; III, 103 and 113; IV, 111;
V, 9; VII, 126.
tales of the Orient and by the then recent discoveries of Colum-
bus and other explorers. To the marvellous in his work, then,
and also to his method of direct testimony as a means of paining
verisimilitude Herodotus owes what influence he may have had
upon the voyage iroaginaire .
A true instance of the voyage imaginaire is Lucian's
yerae Historiae . It was intended to "be a satire upon the works
of Herodotus, Ctesias, Antonius Diorenes, and Iamblichus , ^ and
as such indulged in the wildest extravaganza. Unlike Herodotus,
Lucian purports to have no aim other than the description of
the countries he visited and the narration of his adventures
by the way; but like Herodotus, he paints with rapidity and
with a superficiality of detail. For his desire was not accuracy
or consistency. It was satire through exaggeration and improba-
This design, however, did not prevent him giving a kind
of vrai semblance to his fantastic world. The circumstantiality
of his opening, for instance, is almost modern. "The motive
and purpose of my journey", he writes, "lay in a desire for
adventure, and in my wish to find out what the end of the ocean
was, and who the people were who lived on the other side".
49. The likelihood of this influence is increased by the fact
that the True History was first printed in 1502 by the
Aldine Press, Venice.
50. These works, with the exception of the first, are now lost.
See Note 1 above.
51. Lucian, Verae Historiae , translation and text by A. M.
Harmon, 1913. I, 253". (Roman numerals refer to the Book;
Arabic to the page in Harmon's translation.)
The preparation, too, is detailed with a realism that would do
credit to Defoe. After the embarkation there followed a
storm, which lastod for seventy-nine days and drove the ship
far off the course. '.Vith the return of calm the expedition
landed, and having divided, twenty proceeded inland while thirty
remained behind to guard the ships. Here again the narrative
is strictly realistic. But attempts at verisimilitude are not
confined to the opening pages. When the crew passes from the
Moon to Lamptown, the log is kept circumstantially even to the
details of procuring water, of unfavorable winds, and of lapse
of time. Other methods are also employed to gain credence
on the reader's part. Having rendered service to 'ndymion, the
author is naturally rewarded with presents; the demand to see
them is, however, forestalled by the naive, yet likely, explana-
tion that they were left behind * T in the whale". 56 Likewise a
new poem given to him by Homer in the Isle of the Blest was
lost "along with everything else". Finally there is a delicious
52. I, 253. "I put on board a good store of provisions, stowed
water enough, enlisted in the venture fifty of my acquaint-
ances who were like-minded with myself, got together also a
great quantity of arms, shipped the best sailing-master to be
had at a big inducement, and put my boat she was a pinnace-
in trim for a long and difficult voyage."
53. I, 253 - 254. Note the similarity to later descriptions. "For
a day and a night we sailed before the wind without making
any offing, as land was still dimly in sight; but at sunrise
on the second day the wind freshened, the sea rose, darkness
came on, and before we knew it we could no longer even get
our canvas in. Committing ourselves to the gale and giving
up, we drove for seventy-nine days."
54. I, 255.
55. I, 281.
56. Same, for an explanation of the reference to the whale see
pg. 3 / , this ch.
57. II, 327.
bit of Herodotean testimony: "Anyone who does not believe this
is so, will find, if ho ever gets there himself, that I am tell-
ing the truth. " 5 ^
The great significance of Lucian's book lies, however, in
the wonders of which he tells. So numerous are they that com-
plete citation is impossible here; only the more striking will,
therefore, be discussed. At his first landing he found a river
of wine, in which were fish that tasted like wine, and that in-
toxicated those who ate of them in excess. There, also, grew
a wondrous vine, the upper parts of which were shaped like
women; when his companions kissed these vegetable females, they
immediately became drunk; when they embraced them, they were
unable to detach themselves, "but became vines also".^ 9 Soon
after they had left this island, the ship was carried up into
the air and the travellers entered the moon country where
Endymion greeted them. The huge ants of Herodotus were now
dwarfed by vultures with three heads and quills larger than
shipmasts,^ by gigantic grasshoppers , 6 ^ by fleas each "as large
as twenty elephants", by ants two hundred feet long, and
by spiders "far larger than the Cyclades Islands*'. 63 These
beasts serve as mounts for an army which is drawn not only from
the Moon, but from Ursa Major and the Dog Star as well. The
troops include the millet-shooters, 64 garlic-fighters, 64 "sky-
58. I, 281.
59. I, 255 - 256.
60. I, 261.
61. I, 263.
62. I, 265.
63. I, 265 - 266.
64. I, 263.
dancerB -- a sort of light infantry" who sling radishes, 6 ^
volplaneurs "who rise into the air by inflating their tunics), 6 *'
sky-mosquitoes, cloud-centaurs (as large as the Colossus of
Rhodes), 67 and also the stalk-mushrooms and the puppycorns . 67
This force was directed by the donkeys, who acted as trumpeters. 6 ^
Its purpose was to assail the army of Phaeton who was disputing
lunar colonization of the Day Star. "They all had the same
equipment — helmets of beans (their beans are large and tough);
scale corselets of lupines (they sew the skins of lupines to
make the corselets, and in that country the skin of the lupine
is unbreakable, like horn)". 69
Other strange thinps beside the army are found in the
Moon. No women exist there; up to the ajre of twenty-three each
person is a wife, and after that a husband. Children are
carried not in the womb, but in the calf of the leg; they are
born inanimate and quickened by beiner set in the wind with
their mouths open. This is not the only race of Moon-people.
The "arboreals" grow on trees which spring from the right genital
gland planted in the ground. In general features, however, the
two races do not differ; they take nourishment by snuffing up
the smoke of flying frogs roasted on coals; they drink air; they
are hairless, except for a beard above the knees; they have
tails like cabbage leaves; they sweat milk; their noses run
honey; their bellies are lined with hair, and since they can be
65. I, E65.
66. I, 267.
67. I, 271.
68. I, 269.
69. I, 265.
70. I. 275.
be opened and shut, afford a refuge to the young; their eyes
are removable, and bo may be lent or purchased as need be.
The "arboreals" have ears of wood; the other ones of plane
leaves. The garments of the rioh are of malleable glass;
those of the poor of bronze. Death comes by dissolution into
Departing from the moon, Lucian next made a brief halt
at Lamptown, where all night the judge sits summoning lamps by
name; failure to respond is punished by extinguishment. Here
Lucian recognized his own lamp and talked with it of home.
After the departure from Lamptown the crew saw "toward sunrise...
a number of sea-monsters, whales". The largest, a one hundred
and fifty foot beast, swallowed them, ship and all. "In the
middle (of his stomach) there was land with hills on it, which
was formed of the mud that he had swallowed". The coast line
of this island was twenty-seven miles in length; abundant vege-
tation grew upon it, and kingfishers and gulls perched in the
trees. On it lived a man and a boy swallowed twenty-seven years
before. They shared the island with the eel-eyed, lobster-
faced Broilers; the Margoats, men above and catfish below; the
Godsheads; the Crabclaws; and the Glan-crav,'f ish . Joining with
the two men, the Greeks routed the others, their swords proving
more effective weapons t^.an fishbones. For some time the crew
remained in this prison, bathing and catching fish in the
whale's gills; but after several futile attempts an escape was
71. I, 275.
72. I, 277.
73. I, 281.
finally effected by shoring open the animal's jaws and killing
him by firing the forest on the island. 74
Before this eeoape was made, however, the Greeks witnessed
an incredible sight. One day a great commotion was heard in the
sea. Looking forth from the whale's mouth they saw in prorress
a sea-fight between some hundreds of floating islands manned
by gigantic men. Each 'galley' was steered by a bronze tiller,
and impelled forward by cypress trees used as oars. The fight-
ing men stood at the bow. After the battle, which was much like
a Greek naval combat, the victorious side anchored over niprht
alongside the whale and departed in the morning. 75
After the crew escaped from the whale, adventures came
thick and fast. They were frozen in the ice; 76 they sailed
through a sea of milk and landed on an island of cheese; 77 they
passed the cork-footed folk who walk on the sea; 78 and finally
they came to the Isle of the Blest where A a sweet breeze "like
the one that, on the word of Herodotus the historian, breathes
perfume on Araby the blest". Later they saw on the Island of
the Wicked the River of Fire in which swim two kinds of fish --
those like live coals and those like torches. They also
visited the Isle of Dreams ; 8 ^ escaped the Pumpkin Pirates,
the Dolphin-riders, 8 ^ and the Ass-legs; 84 collided with a
285 - 297.
297 - 303. cf. Herodotus, II, 156
1, 307 - 309.
:i, 309. cf. Herodotus, III, 113.
:i, 337 - 341.
mammoth kingf ishor 1 s nest; saw the Bull-heads, a horned
people with their hindlegs grown together ; 96 and crossed the
floating forest. Here the account ends, with a promise of a
All this shows a powerful fancy and a keen senne for the
ridiculous. But the humor is of a broad sort in order to pive
preater force to the satire which is directed entirely against
those who produced the so-called true histories. A more
significant satire from an historical point of view occurs in
the narrative of the visit to the Island of the Blest. There
Lucian engaged Homer in a conversation, and asked him: "Where
do you come from? This point in particular is being investigated
even yet at home". Homer replied that he was by birth a Baby-
lonian, by name Tigranes, and that being sent into Greece as
a hostage ( homeros ) he took the name of Homer. He also claimed
as his own the bracketed lines of the Iliad , and said that he
began with Achilles' wrath because it came first into his mind.
Whereupon Lucian remarks that "Zenodotus and Aristarchus are
guilty of pedantry in the hiphest degree". Plato was not in
the island; he was "living in his imaginary city under the con-
stitution and laws he himself wrote". Neither were any of the
Stoics there; "they were said to be still on the way up the
steep hill of virtue". The Academicians, likewise, failed to
Wb. II , 345.
86. II, 351.
87. II, 347 - 349.
88. This, remarks a disgruntled Greek scribe, writing in the
margin of the Ms., is the biggest lie of all. See Harmon's
translation, pg. 357.
89. It is impossible in a study of this sort to point out every
detail of Herodotus and his fellows which Lucian satirises.
The notes to any good edition will suggest most of them.
90. II. 323 - 325.
arrive, being unable to reach a conclusion . 51 In the Island
of the Wicked 'the severest punishment of all fell to those
who told lies and those who had written what was not true
among whom were Ctesias of Cnidos, Herodotus, and many others".
And Lucian adds, with a malicious grin, "On seeing them, I had
good hopes for the future, for I have never told a lie that I
The work of Herodotus, as has been pointed out, lacked
the primary characteristic and most of the other qualities which
distinguish the voyage imaginaire from other types of prose
fiction; Lucian, on the other hand, has all of them. In the
former there was no imaginary voyage and no fictitious country;
and the only element of the voyage imaginaire was the description
of the marvellous. In the latter, however, there is the imaginary
journey into obviously fictitous lands; there is fantastic ad-
venture; and there is ulterior purpose. In fact, with Lucian
begins the kind of voyage imaginaire which reached its fullest
development in the satirical narratives of Cyrano de Bergerac,
Swift, and Holberg. The story does, of course, lack all ap-
pearance of probability; but this is due in part to the satirical
aim. Moreover, Lucian boldly proclaims at the start that he
A third type of classic literature which contributed to
the development of the imaginary voyage is that of the ideal
state as seen in Plato's Republic , Tiraaeus, and Critias , and
91. II, 321.
92. II, 327.
in Plutarch's Life of Lyourgus . These are not, of course,
imaginary voyages. They, like all Utopias, aim to describe
perfect forms of government; but unlike the works of .ore,
Campanella, and Bacon, they tell of no imaginary voyage to a
supposed land. And the state, if it has any geographical loca-
tion, is a real nation, as in Plutarch, not a fictitious one,
as in More. But had Plato and Plutarch never written, the
character of the voyage imaginaire literature would to-day be
less rich and varied.
Plato's Republic is usually considered the earliest of
these descriptions of ideal states; but a forerunner of the
great philosopher in this field was Hippodamus of Ililetus whose
work is now lost, except as it is preserved in summary by
Aristotle. His state consists of ten thousand souls who are
divided into three classes: artisans, husbandmen, and soldiers.
Each of these divisions has allotted to it a portion of land,
that of the warriors being known as the public domain. The laws
cover three offences: assault, trespass, and murder. All
verdicts on legal disputes are rendered in writing by the citizens
Any one discovering anything of value to the state is suitably
rewarded. The magistrates, who are chosen by popular vote,
supervise the public lands, and have under their advisement the
~ i are of strangers and of those children whose parents have been
slain in war, such orphans being reared at public expense. The
book had seemingly little influence on later literature; for it
was not known in the original, and Plato would, naturally, have
93. Aristotle, Politics , Book II, chapter 8.
far overshadowed Hippodamus in importance.
In the Republic Socrates and his companions made an effort
to define justice, in the course of which they diverged into
an attempt to find out how justice might be obtained or attained.
The result was the outlining of an ideal state. So well known
is the dialog that no extended summary is necessary here. Suf-
fice it, then, to say that the main provisions call for a strongly
centralized government in which every individual interest is
completely subordinated to that of the state, which, in turn,
has absolute control over the amount and kind of work assigned
to each member. There is community of goods. There is no
marriage in the modern legal sense and no home life, except a-
mong the artisans. Pood is served at common tables. Education
is rigorously designed to ingrain into the citizens the virtues
of endurance, bravery, truthfulness, and loyalty to the state
and to its interests. The entire aim of Plato's republic is
austere efficiency and nothing else.
In any consideration of the Republic one must, however,
bear firmly in mind the fact that it differs essentially from
later utopias, such as More's and Vairasse's. These latter
have, or are imagined as having, a spacial and temporal existence.
Plato f s state has not. "The Platonic state", says Voigt, "is
symbolic of the human soul".^ The Republic , as he further
"§4T Voigt, Andreas, Soziale Utopien , pg. 54: T Der Platonischer
Staat ist ein Anbild der menschlichen Seele * • Mr. William
Temple, Plato and Christianity , 1916, also confirms this
view. He says, pg. 32: 'The true criterion of a Constitution
is to be found by asking what training for eternity it af-
fords'; on pg. 37: 'The ideal State is that which is at once
the expression and the seed-plot of beautiful characters,
and is, moreover, the best school for eternity'; on pg. 37-
38: 'No doubt by the end of Book IX this has become a city ir
Heaven, which he despairs of realising completely upon earth'.
points out, is based upon the assumption, common in Oreek
philosophy, that a wise man is a good man and a just man; and
that unhesitating submission to such a one on the part of the
less perfect will bring about ideal conditions. With Plato
the regulation of the individual life, and hence of the individual
soul, is the first requisite for right living. And so his
Republic becomes not so much an effort to create a perfect state
in a temporal sense as one to show the way to correct living*
Its importance is not, however, to be minimized by this fact.
Later utopists did turn to it for inspiration. More and Campanell!i
specifically mention Plato in their works; and individual details
are continually borrowed by one or othe other of his successors,
notably those of communism, education, and partition of labor.
Finally, this same desire to depict a perfect state is the
starting point of every later Utopia, no matter how far it may
depart in other respects from the original pattern.
The Timaeus ^6 and Gritias , accepted as forming with the
Republic a trilogy, are generally considered as Plato's attempt
to depict his ideal state in operation; but unfortunately the
second of these dialogs is unfinished. The subject of both is
the fabled state of Atlantis which once lay beyond the Pillars
of Hercules but which long ago was sunk by a cataclysm of nature
into the depths of the Atlantic. Timaeus tells of the orierin
of the universe, the rise of the physical features of the earth,
95. Yoigt, Same, pg. 27.
96. The Timaeus is commonly regarded as being the most infltiential
of the Platonic dialogs during the Middle Ages; but as has
been pointed out, the Middle Ages did not give themselves
up to Utopian speculations, ch. I, pg. , above.
97. See in this connection Ignatius Donnelly's interesting but
often superficial and inaccurate book, Atlantis and the
Antediluvian World , Harpers, 1882.
and the creation of living things. Next Critias describes the
state of Atlantis a powerful kingdom favored by Neptune
because hie blood ran in the veins of its inhabitants, and a
fair land far advanced in the arts of civilization. But before
any intimate knowledge of its political organization is gained,
the fragment ends. The first of these dialogs is not really
concerned with the literature of the imaginary state exce-pt
as it stands between the Republic and the Oritias in the Triloery;
and there is no apparent trace of its influence on the voyage
imaginaire . The second comes closer to the type, but is so
brief as to be nothing more than suggestive of "a land flowing
with milk and honey''.
Plutarch's Life of Lycurgus is more definite. It is a
minute and circumstantial account of the system of administration
and the habits of life in the Spartan state. The usual details
are there — the commons, the severe simplicity, the Stoic self-
restraint; but there are also more intimate details, which are
missing from the Republic , such as the indulgences allowed to
eat in private, the manner of choosing wives, the provisions
for checking accumulation of wealth, and the patriotic pride
and confidence in the system. In general, however, the Life
of Lycurgus is more concerned with the practical details of
human life and less with purely philosophic speculation than is
the Republic . And the same trait is noticeable in many later
Utopias. Whether it is a result of influence from Plutarch
or a spontaneous outgrowth cannot be determined; 98 but certain
98l I am inclined to believe the latter. More, the Lord
Chancellor, writes more after the fashion of Plutarch than
does either Bacon, Campanella, or Andrea who are all,
especially the latter two, almost Platonic in their re-
moteness from the practical.
it is that It did not come from Plato.
The voyage imaginai re , then, "borrowed its basic character-
istics from classic literature. From Herodotur it took a
narrative which mentioned marvels, but which dealt primarily
with customs, manners, and habits, although all of these were
only means to a further end of history. From Lucian came items
of greater import. By him the marvellous was employed for its
own sake; it was not an external feature of the narrative, it
was the very life of the story. Without it there was no tale
to tell. Finally from another and an entirely different sort
of literature the voyage drew the conception of the imaginary
state, a center about which much of the voyage literature col-
lects, and an end which frequently overshadows the voyage as
Before passing on to the medieval voyage imaginaire , it
is here necessary to turn backward and glance briefly at a work
which antedates even the earliest of the Greek works examined
the holy state described in Ezekiel, XL - XLVIII. The account
opens with a long and very exact description of the details
and dimensions of the city and temple. The state is to he
called "the Lord shall he there". As this name implies its
citizens are circumsized in heart and in flesh; they "sin only
unawares". Consequently there is no punishment other than
ecclesiastical penance, the priests being the only rulers. The
inhabitants of this fair land are, of course, Hebrews; but those
of other nations who bring forth children there shall also be
accounted citizens. As Professor Baldwin points out" 1 *^ this
99^ Written in the 6th century B. G.
100. Baldwin, E. C, Ezekiel's Holy State and Plato 's Republic ,
in Biblical World , vol. XLIT pp. 36F"^
imaginary state shows, aside from the fact that one is relig-
ious and the other philosophic, a marked parallelism with
Plato's Republic . Both authors believe in the growth of the
citizens toward the god-like. Both lay out broad lines of
progress. Both emphasize morality. Both aim at a knowledge
of "/Od through right understanding. "Each distrusted the efficacy
of external law as a means of social betterment; and each sub-
stituted a moral principle to be written in
the fleshly tablets of the heart of each loyal citizen." Professor
Baldwin also sees a marked direct influence of Ezekiel among the
Puritans at the time of the Commonwealth; but there is little, if
any, evidence to show that it had any particular effect upon the
authors of Utopias.
From A. D. 200, the approximate date of Lucian's Verae
Historiae , to that of the next book with which this study
has to deal is a long period; but the intervening time seems
not to have been productive of either type of the voyage
imaginaire . The opinions of von Mohl and Voigt as to the non-
appearance of Utopias during the Middle Ages have already been
cited. The same factors which were hostile to the utopia,
were, doubtless, also instrumental in suppressing other varieties.
For the barbarian invasions must have operated as strongly a-
gainst literary and philosophic culture as against political;
while the church in an effort to turn men's minds to God frowned
101. Hai Ebn Yokdhan , cir. 1198. English translation from the
original Arabic by Simon Ockley, 1708. See next para-
graph for discussion.
102. See ch. 1, pg. 11, this study.
fiercely upon all literature purely esthetic in character . It
is true that Benjamin, a Jew of Tudela, described China in the
twelfth century, and that Ilarco Polo, a Venetian, did likewise
in the next; 1 ^ 4 hut these were actual travellers; and conse-
quently although their hooks may contain many "marvellous and
romantic" adventures, they fall outside the province of this
About 1198, however, there appeared in Spain the Hai Ebn
Yokdhan written in Arabic by Abu Jaafar Ebn Tophail. The
story tells that a proud and haughty Arabic prince ruled over an
island near unto the equator. He had an only and very beautiful
sister whom he guarded closely in a tower lest she should con-
tract an alliance unworthy of her blood. She had, however,
secretly married one of her suitors; and from this union was
born a son, Hai Ebn Yokdhan. Fearing her brother's wrath, the
lady conveyed the child by nio-ht to the sea-shore where she en-
closed him in a chest, already prepared, and committed him to
the mercy of the waves. Fate, however, had smiled upon his
birth and so the waters bore him to a desert island where, the
tide happening to rise higher than usual, the chest was safely
deposited upon a grassy knoll. fthen the child awoke, his cries
attracted a roe that had lost her fawn. She approached, broke
open the casket, and adopted the child. This is the first
103. liven Mandeville had to secure, or pretend to secure, the
Pope's approval of his book. See Llandeville, chp. 31.
Of, also, the appropriation of the Arthurian legend.
104. Dunlop, History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 390.
Polo's lis. was written in French, and circulated about
1298; see Wright, Bonn Library Edition, Introduction,
pp. xxi - xxvii.
105. Called also Abu Bakr Ibn Tufail, and more commonly Ebn
theory of the horo's birth.
A second maintains that Hai Ebn Yokdhan was not of human
birth, but the product of spontaneous generation excited in the
mud of the island by the fertilising rays of the tropical sun,
and after this "birth" adopted by the roe.
From this point on the stories agree. When the boy
reached an age to observe, i. e., about seven, he rioter! that he
alone of all the animals on tho island had no natural defences
either against the weather or against his enemies. A branch
stripped of its twigs remedied the latter defect. The former
he at first suppled with leaves; but as they continually wore
out, he sought a more permanent and more satisfactory solution
to the problem. This he found in the skin and feathers of a
dead eagle which he discovered by chance. The next mystery
he was called upon to unravel was that of death. He had noted
that all animals avoided the dead of their species, and concluded
therefrom that the dead were different from the living. So when
the roe, his foster-mother died, he sought the cause of her
dying. His first decision was that death is an obstruction of
the bodily functions, but after experiment he concluded that
such obstruction did not lie in the channels of sense. Remember-
ing, at this point, that when he fought with animals his breast
was the part he defended most stoutly, he thourht that the vital
spark must reside there. To prove his theory, he cut open the
body of the roe as best he could with sharp stones and splinters
of wood. After examining various organs he pitched on the heart
as being that one which he sought because it was further pro-
tected by the tough perioardium. The left ventricle he found
full of blood; but from former observation of his ov/n wounds
he knew that this was not the spirit he hunted. The right
ventricle contained nothing. He concluded, therefore, that
it had been the seat of that which he wished to find, and that
this thing had fled, and that its departure brought a resultant
change of state in the body. In order to clinch his belief he
caught a deer and vivisected it. In the right ventricle he
found a warm "vapor". 7/hen he stuck his finger into the cavity,
the vapor disappeared and the deer died. This, then, he ac-
cepted as being the life-giving spirit.
The hero's manner of life now became more civilized. He
gained a knowledge of fire by seeing a blaze among the rushes
where it had been kindled by some natural means; casting fish
into it to try its consuming: power, he discovered cookery. Later,
also, he domesticated various animals, such as horses, goats,
cattle, and fowls.
More important than those achievements, however, are his
philosophic speculations. By observation of the physical world
he realized that objects have extension, that body has substance
and attributes, and that the heavens are a circle. In meta-
physics he reached with time the conclusion that "there was a
Being, which was not Body, nor join'd to Body, nor separated
from it, nor within it, nor without it; because Conjunction and
Separation, and being within anything, or without it, are all
properties of Body, from which that Being is altogether ab-
stracted". Later he attained to the idea of the absolute
10 6. Ockley's English translation (1708), pp. 88 - 89.
porfoction of God, and the conclusion that aninals and plants
have no knowledgo of Being while the heavenly "bodies have. The
animal spirit, he further decided, was a mean "between earth and
water, fire and air, and the more even the temperature of this
spirit, the more perfect its life. Finally he realized "that
he was an Animal, endu'd with a Spirit of equal temperature, as
all the heavenly bodies are, and that he was of a distinct
Species from the rest of the Animals, and that he was created
for another end, and design' d for something greater than they
were capable of".
His next step in the path of knowledge was the discovery
that man's body relates him to the beasts, his mind to God. "It
was plain to him, that there were three sorts of actions which
he was obliged to, viz. 1, Either those by which he resembled
the Irrational Animals. Or, 2. Those by which he resembled the
Heavenly Bodies. Or, 3, Those by which he resembled the
necessarily self-existent Being; and that he was oblig'd to the
first, as having a gross body, consisting of several Parts, and
different Faculties, and variety of Motions. To the second , as
having an animal Spirit, which had its seat in the Heart, and
was the beginning of the Body and all its Faculties. To the
third , as he was what he was, viz. as he was that Being, by which
he knew the necessarily s&lf -existent Being". He next decided
that his food ought to be such as would least destroy the re-
productive power of nature; so he confined himself to those
species of fruits, nuts, and animals which were most abundant.
107. Ockley's English translation (1708), pp. 106 - 107.
108. Same, pg. 109.
He also beran to imitate the Beintr by caring for animals and
plants as far as it lay in his -power.
The final effort in the evolution of this philosophical
system was the contemplation of pure being. To this end he
suppressed the physical demands of his nature, and gradually
grew able to hold himself for longer and longer periods in a
trance-like state; for he learned that the corporeal interests
of animals efface the divine essence; whereas the divine essence
does not depend upon the body for existence. In these
moments of transport he learned this truth: "He that has knowledge
of this Essence (of pure Being) has the Essence itself; but I
have knowledge of this Essence. Ergo, I have the Essence itself.
Now this Essence can be present nowhere but with itself, and
its very Presence is Essence, and therefore he concluded that
he was that very Essence.""'*' 1 * Each of the heavenly spheres he
found by further mediation has an essence which reflects that
of the sphere next higher, and the essence of the highest sphere
reflects the essence of the one true Being. That of this world
has seventy thousand faces, each face seventy thousand mouths,
and each mouth seventy thousand tongues with which to hymn the
one true Being's praise.
At this point the purely speculative portion of the story
ends. The author having now completed the sketch of his philo-
sophic system closes the book as he bepran it, with narrative.
A Mahometan mystic, Asal by name, came to the island from a
neighboring religious community in order that he might live
in solitude and contemplate God. At first Hai Ebn Yokdhan
109. Ockley, English translation, 1708, pp. Ill ff.
110. Same, pg. 126.
oould not comprehend what manner of being this new animal was;
but at last they understood each other, and Asal taught him to
read and interpret the Alkoran. Thus they together discovered
that Hai Ebn Yokdhan's mediations conformed to the teaching of
the Prophet, The two then went back to Asal's companions to
tell them of the new and wonderful revelation. But the men
were hard of heart; they believed not. Discouraged, Hai :bn
Yokdhan returned to his island, having; decided that men were
not yet prepared to understand the clear pronouncements of the
divine voice, but only to meditate confusedly on the vague
phrases of the Prophet. Asal accompanied him, and there the
two dwelt a lonr time, contemplating the holy truths of Allah.
What effect this book had in its own day cannot be told;**"
for there appears to be no contemporary mention of it. Three
things, however, probably raised a prejudice against it in
western Europe; the author's nationality, the language in which
it was written, and its non-Ohristian theology. The first
discoverable translation is that into Latin by Pococke in 1671
under the title Philosophus Autodidactus . From this in 1676 Dr.
Ashwell made an iSnglish version, and in 1684 the Quakers had
111. Dunlop's comment, third edition, pg. 592, is probably the
most just. 'In this work there are, of course, many errors
in theology and philosophy, as the former is Mohometan,
and the latter Aristotelian. The fundamental principles
of the work are, that without the aids of instruction we
may attain to a knowledge of all things necessary to
salvation, and that in this world we may arrive, by
contemplation, at an intuition of the Deity, a refined
and abstract species of worship scarcely enjoyed in old
times by the greatest favorities of heaven, and of which
no promise has been vouchsafed either in the Mosaic or
another made imap-ininr "that there was something in it that
favoured their Enthusiastic notions" . i ' x * Not until 1708 did
Ookley's English translation from the original Arabic appear, and
at that tine interest in the book was philosophic rather than
literary. There are, at least, no discoverable traces of its
influence on the voyage imaglnaire . The book could not have
suggested the type which deals in philosophic satire since it
is obviously serious; besides Cyrano's Etat de la Lune preceded
the Latin version by fifteen years as did Fontaines' Relation
du Pays de Janserie by eleven, and both were translated into
English before 1671. The Hal Ebn Yokdhan , then, is of snail
importance in the history of the voyage inaginaire ; for it con-
tains more elements of the Robinsonade than of the voyage , and
did, moreover, not appear in modern Europe until such time
as other writers inspired by other sources had occupied the
possible field of its influence.
A question may also be raised as to whether or not the
Hai Ebn Yokdhan is a voyage imagrinaire . Dunlop classifies it
as such; but its claim to be included in the genre is slight.
The first part of the story does resemble that of Robinson
Crusoe , as Dunlop says; but Robinson Crusoe is not a voyage .
The hero, moreover, can scarcely be said to have travelled
even if the first theory of his birth is true; and if the second
theory be the correct one, he made no journey at all. 114 Finally,
the island is not imaginary in the sense that Utopia and Lilliput
112. Ockley, Preface to English translation of 1708.
113. Dunlop, History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 391.
114. Dunlop in his summary (pg. 391) includes only the first of
are, for the book is neither the description of an ideal state
nor a satire. It is, in truth, a philosophical treatise trans-
parently disguised as narrative.
Over one hundred years later appeared the Vol age and
Travail e of _Sir John Maundeville . Knight (cir. 1350). Mandeville
is now recognized to have been a fictitious character; and the
real author, it is agreed, was Jean de Bourgoyne, a French
physician who died at Liege in 1372. 116 ?he book at once at-
tained a lasting popularity. It "was translated in the fifteenth
century into all languages of the continent, and published in
the collection of Ramusio". 117 Halliwell records nineteen Mss.
before 1500 in Latin, French, and English, and adds that there
are still others. 118 He also lists ten Italian translations
printed between 1480 and 1521. English imprints were made by
Pynson, by Wynkyn de TTorde in 1499, by T. Este in 1568, and
another in 158- . Hakluyt also included it in his collection
115. Ockley, S., Preface to English translation, 1708: "The De-
sign of the Author is to shew, how Human Capacity, un-
assisted by External Help, may by due Application, attain
to the knowledge of Natural Things, and so by Decrees
find out its Dependence upon a Superior Being, the Im-
mortality of the Soul, and all things necessary to A
116. This is the opinion of Col. Henry Yule and Mr. E. "P. Nichol-
son in their joint article on Mandeville in the Encyclo -
pedia Britannica , 11th ed # and of Mr« G. F. Warner in his
article on Mandeville in the Dictionary of National
Biography , where he says: "In any case, FHe presumption
is that the Liege physician's true name was de Bourgoyne,
and that he wrote the Travels under the pseudonym of
117. Dunlop, third edition, pg. 390.
118. Halliwell, J. 0., The Voiage and Travail e of Sir John
Maundeville , Knight , Reprinted fromlHie edition of A.D.
1725 , (first issue 1839; reprinreT"lH6T )" TnTroducTion t
pp. vii - x.
(1598 - 1600). Between 1612 and 1727 a dozen reprinte were
issued; and in the nineteenth century three editions have been
issued exclusive of that made hy G. F. Warner for the Roxburghe
Club Publi c ations for 1889. 120
Mandeville 's Travels , however, is not a real voyage
lmaginaire except in the sense that the author did not actually
visit the lands he describes. Its purpose, as the author announced
was "to schewe... a partie of Custumes and Maneres, and dyverse
Contrees"; in other words, he is writing a travel book. More-
over, as the author of the 1725 reprint pointed out, he took
"Monsters out of Pliny, Miracles out of the Legends, and strange
stories out of what will now be called Romance s"* 1 - 22 and Mr.
(J. P. ?/arner has since indicated the specific indebtedness of
Mandeville to various earlier descriptions of the Orient. The
greatest influence of the book was probably upon the works of
those men who in the sixteenth century narrated the discoveries
of such explorers as Cabot, Raleigh, Frobisher, and Drake; but
at the same time Mandeville exerted on the true voyage imaginaire
an influence not dissimilar to that of Herodotus.
119. Halliwell, J. 0., The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John
Maundeville . Knight , Reprinted from the edition of A. D .
1725 , ( first issue 1859; reprinted 18^)" TnTroducTi on ,
pp. xv - xxiii.
120. See Bibliography , below.
121. Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundeville , ch. 3. Quotations
follow Cotton Ms.
122. Editor's Preface , reprinted in Halliwell's edition, pg.xx.
123. V/arner, G. P., Article on Mandeville, D.N.B . , gives as sources
a description of Asia by Friar Odoric of Pordenone (cir.
1330) ; Hetoun, Historiae Orientis ( ) ; the works of
John de Piano Carpini and Simon de Quentin, Papal envoys
to the Tartars cir. 1250; and the Spe culum of Vincent de
Beauvais (d. cir. 1264).
Since I'andeville, like Herodotus, was dealing with lands
but little known and is relating marvellous tales concerning them,
he is forced to invoke testimony direct and indirect as to his
truthfulness. And, like Herodotus, he is fond of saying "I
6aw" . "I have seen of the Cannes with myn owne eyen", he
assures the reader. The old trick of hearsay evidence is also
employed. He writes: "Of Paradys ne can not I speken -oropurle:
for I was not there. But as I have herd seye of wyse men "beyond,
I schalle telle zou with gode wille".^ 2 ^ The argument vjas in
his mind settled beyond all doubt when ho concluded the book
with the story of his showing the work to the Pope and receiving
the ecclesiastical approval for it, "And oure holy Fadir, of
his special grace, remytted my .Soke to ben examyned and preved be
the Avys of his seyd Conseille. Be the whiche, my Boke was preeved
for trewe; in so moche that thei schewe me a Boke, that my Boke
was examyned by, that comprehended fulle moche more, be an
hundred part; be the which the I lappa Mundi was made after. And
so my Boke (alle be it that many men ne list not to zeve credence
to ne thing, but to that that thei seen with hire Eye, ne be the
Auctor ne the persone never so trewe) is affirmed and preved be
oure holy Padir, in maner and forme as I have seyd.'
Llandeville also insists that he restrains himself, and
does not make full use of his golden opportunities. "Troweth
not", he says, "that I will telle zou alle the Townes and Cytees
and Gastelles, that men schulle go by; for than scholde I make
124. Oh. 18. Other examples may be found in ch. 2, 12, and 27.
125. Gh. 30. Other examples may be found in ch. 2, 4, 5, 18, 20,
126. Oh. 31.
1 ° 7
to lonp a tale". Other testimony is also riven to show that
there is no paucity of material. "There ben manye other dyverse
Contrees and many other IJarveles beyonde", he writes, of which
he cannot tell because he has not seen them; and likewise in
realms where he boon lie "many dyversities of many v/ondir fulle
thinges", more than he makes mention of. Not only fears of "to
long a tale", but altruistic motives also hold him silent. "For
zif that I devysed alle that is bezonde the See, another man
peraunter, that wolde "peynen him to travaylle his Body for to
go in to the Marches, for to ancerche tho Contrees, myghten ben
blamed be my 'Tordes, in rehercynge manye straunge thinres. For
he mighte say nothing of newe, in the whiche the hereres myghten
have other solace or desport or lust or lykynre in the heryn^e.
For men seyn alle weys, that newe thinges and newe tydynges ben
plesant to here. V/herfore I wole holde me stille.""*"^ Such
self-repression on the author's part is new in fiction; Herodotus
and Lucian told all they knew. So while Llandeville ' s assertion
will not convert the sceptical reader to an acceptance of the
truth of his book, it dons mark a new departure in the effort to
Prom a modern point of view ITandeville T s narrative method
is not beyond reproach. In the very beginning of the narrative
his religious zeal led him into a long digression on the Gross,
the materials of it, and the reason for their use. At times,
also, association of names causes unwarranted violations of unity
127. Gh. 1; other examples may be found in chps. 19, 27, and 29.
128. Gh. 30.
129. Ch. 2
For example, when he describes the four rivers of Paradise, "the
thridde Ryvere, that is clep Tigris" calls to mind "a Best, that
is oleped Tigris, that is fast rennynge"; the narrative then
proceeds with the "fourthe Ryvere". ^0 Examples of incoherence
are likewise numerous, for details are jotted down as they occur
to him. The narrative, too, is often hard to follow because
he does not make clear his itinerary, and because he seldom gives
the exact location of the many countries and islands which he
Of greater general interest, but of less historical im
portance, than his method are the various details which Handeville
recites for the delectation of his readers. Here again, just
as in some of his efforts to gain verisimilitude, he recalls
Herodotus. He presents the same sort of details in the same
manner; and even if, as Mr, Warner maintains, he borrowed almost
verbatim from other medieval travel books, the resemblance loses
none of its historical importance. The fact that the narrative
methods in travel literature had not changed essentially since
classic times is thereby made only the more clear.
130. Ch. 30.
131. A typical example is the description of the Tartars, ch. 23.
132. In ch. 4 he is at Jerusalem; in ch. 5 he rushes from Babylon
to Carthage to Llesapotamia to Egypt; and in ch. 7 he is
again in Jerusalem. See also his description of the
course of the Nile, ch. 5; and compare with it that of the
Danube, ch. 1.
133. For similarity in detail between Handeville and Herodotus see:
Handeville, ch. 30 and Herodotus, III, 102, the ^old-mining
ante of India; M. , 26 and H. , IV, 13, the gold-guarding
griffins; M. , 25 and H., IV, 25, the land of darkness; M.,
13 and H«, IV, 42, the shadows falling toward the right in
Central Africa; M. , 26 and H«, III, 46 and 106, wool-bear-
ing trees; M., 19 and H., Ill, 99, a people who eat raw
fish; M.,19 and 30 and H., IV, 26, cannabalism; M. , 15
and H. , IV, 90, medicinal waters; II., 14 and H. IV, 181,
a spring that is coolest at midday.
oocial and religious customs, unless thoy were very
strange, seen not to have attracted Man&eville 'b attention. Thus
dress is seldom mentioned except when he finds a people who go
either naked or scantily clad; and the only lonp description
of it is in his account of the Tartars. The chief passap-es
which tell of food are, likewise, those describing the nauseat-
irifr practice of cannabalism. Marriage customs, also, receive
scant treatment except when he tells of the "evyll" communism
among the inhabitants of Lamary or the curious superstition
of another folk who believe that every virgin harbors a serpent
in her womb. Even the pure morals of Bragman hold his at-
tent ion for but a single sentence. And religious rites are
only once described at length, Mandeville being content usually
to state that a people are or are not Christians.
These, however, are not the details by which the Voiage
and Travaile of Sir John Maundeville attained and has kept
favor. The element that piqued medieval and inspires modern
interest in his narration of the wonderful. And Mandeville 's
pages are full of the marvellous. The content of a single
chapter will illustrate the sort of men and animals he por-
trays. These are: giants twenty-eight to thirty feet high;
still larger giants, forty-five to fifty feet in height, herding
sheep as large as European oxen; women, with precious stones in
134. See ch. 6, 9, 14, 17, 18, 30.
135. See ch. 4, 6, 11, 17, 18, 23, £4, 29, 30.
136. Oh. 17. The land is also held in common. See also ch. 28.
137. Ch. 28.
139. Ch. 15. See also ch. 10, 15, 18, 19, 23.
140. Ch. 28. For other strange animals see ch . 5, 15, 18, 19.
For other curious men see ch. 14, 15, 18, 19, 29. May the
Gerflaunz be the giraffe?
their eyes, which kill by a glance; people who weep at a birth
and laugh at a death; and a list of fauna more wonderful than
any in Herodotus or Lucian — the spotted Gerflaunz whioh has
a neok twenty feet long, camels whioh chanpe color ap do
chameleons, multi-colored snakes over one hundred and twenty
feet lory? which "crawl with legs", the elephant-slaying
Loerauncz which has a black head surmounted by three horns,
yellow mice as large as ravens, hugh geese with red bodies and
black necks, heads, and breasts, and a brute with the head of
a boar, the body of a bear, and the tail of a lion, having two
claws on each foot. And the tale is but begun.
The fauna of the Orient is, according to Mandeville,
equally wonderful, although fewer examples of it are given by
him. There are trees and herbs "whiche beren Frutes 7 tymes
in the Zeer"; 141 clusters of grapes so large a man can scarce
carry one; 142 and apples two feet in length growing two hundred
in a bunch; 143 and a gourd-shaped fruit which contains within
it a small animal perfectly formed, both the fruit and the
animal being good to eat. -Sgypt enjoys the famous apples
of paradise that have a cross in the center, and the strange
apples of Adam on each of which is a mark as of a bite taken
out. And the Isle of Pathen produces marvellous trees, some
of which yield honey, others wine, and still others venom.
141. Gh. 5.
142. Gh. 26.
143. Ch. 26. Bananas?
144. Ch. 26.
145. Ch. 5.
146. Ch. 18. The cabbage palm does furnish a sort of "wine"
These, together with the balm trees of Egypt 147 and pepper
vines in the Land of the Lombe, are the only ones described
at great length.
Other natural wonders are also to be found in his pages.
There is the "Hille, that is elept Athos", which casts a shadow
sevnty-six miles long and is so high that no wind blows on its
top. Precious stones cling to the roots of the bamboos, he
claims. Diamonds, he tells, "growen togedre male and female",
and if they be watered with dew, they will beget children "that
multiplyen and ?rowen alle the zeer". A bottomless lake is
found in Pathan; while a sea of quicksand, unnavigable, but
stocked with fish, ebbs and flows in the land of Prestre John.
Some peculiarities of climate are also mentioned, such as the
violent thunder storms which sweet over Tartary in the summer
and kill many men and beasts. The intense tropical heat,
however, interested Mandeville most. So terrific is it that
the men in the islands adjacent to India must bind up their
scrota or they swell and hang to their knees j 1 ^^ while in Libya
the sea "is evermore bollynge, for the grete hete" so that
no fish may live in its waters.
147. Ch. 5.
148. Ch. 15.
149. Oh. 3.
150. Oh. 18.
151. Ch. 14.
152. Ch. 18.
153. Ch. 27. For similar details see also ch. 9, 11, 14 and 15.
154. Ch. 11.
155. Ch. 15.
156. Ch. 13. Other interesting wonders are the adamantine rocks,
ch. 15; the fosse at Akoun, ch. 4; the king's palace in
Java, ch. 18; The Egyptian incubators, ch. 5; and the
giant 's rib, ch. 4.
157. In this summary of the Travels descriptions of shrines and
holy places have been omitted as have the stories borrowed
To these writers the authors of the voyare lnar 1 nairo
after Mandeville are indebted for practically all of their
fundamental ideas. T, rom Herodotus they may have pained the
suggestion of including descriptions of manners, morals, customs,
governments, and religions; and from him also they nay have
borrowed some of the marvels which they tell of in their works.
But his greatest contribution to the development of prose
fiction was the method of gaining verisimilitude by simple asser-
tion on the author's part or by the testimony of a third party.
To Lucian later authors are indebted for giving to the voyage
inaginaire a satirical character by the introduction of extrava-
gant exaggeration. Plato's influence is, perhaps, the greatest
and most direct of all. His Republic furnished the conception
of an ideal state, together with such details as communism,
partition of labor, comtempt of wealth, hatred of war, and
universal education; and he originated the dialog form as used
by Canpanella and Hartlib. Plutarch's Lycurgus exerted an in-
fluence not dissimilar to that of the Republic ; but it may, in
addition, have suggested giving to the ideal state a practical
and local application. Mandeville displays no essential character-
istics not found in Herodotus; but in attempting to gain veri-
similitude he appended to his book a lengthy testimonial given
by a reliable and historic person, which may have suggested to
some of his successors the elaborate prefaces that they employ
from the romances because they have no influence upon the
development of the voyage iraaginaire . They are mentioned
chiefly in those chapters which deal with the Holy Land.
See ch. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 16.
for the same purpose. To trace the specific indebtedness
of later authors to these men and to point out each writer'
innovations v/ill he the aim of subsequent chapters.
THE VOYAGE IMAGINATIVE FROM MORE TO GOT? (1516-1648)
While in the centuries previous to the sixteenth Lucian
appears to "be the only author who produced a real voyage imagln -
aire in prose, the genre came into its own in the sixteenth
century. In 1516 the press at Louvain struck off the first edi-
tion of Sir Thomas Tlore's Utopia , and so popular did the took
at once become that four reprints were issued in as many years.'*
About the middle of the century three other descriptions of
imaginary states appeared; and near the close was written the
first English voyage suggestive of the fantastically improbable
as it was later developed by Cyrano de Bergerac, Swift, and
Holberg. Prom that date to the end of the eighteenth century
not a decade passed without some representative of the type
being issued either in the original or in translation. The
voyage imaginaire had now become an accepted type in the realm
The first voyage of the new period is, as has been pointed
out, the Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Its author was one of the
1. See More, Thomas, in Bibliography . Morley, Ideal Common -
wealths , pg. 7 f records a story from Erasmus to the ef -
iect that a Dutch burgomaster committed the Utopia to
2. See chronological list in Bibliography .
3. See Note 2.
4. John Dunlop, in his History of Prose Fiction, third edition,
pg. 319, raised the question whether this book is fiction,
and decided that it is rather a political treatise than
Oxford Reformers and a follower after the new learning of the
Renaissance. Educated at the Merchant Taylors' School and in
the household of Cardinal Morton, he went, about 1492, to Oxford,
where, according to Harpsfield, he profited "wonderfully in
Latin and Greek", and also met Linacre; but his eminently
practical father, disapproving of his humanistic studies, with-
drew him from the university after a residence of two years, and
sent him to London to read law. This change, however, did not
entirely destroy More's connection with the growing intellectual
development of his age; for in a period of forced retirement
following his failure to support the Kind's grants in parliament
he translated the works of Pico della Mirandola, the Italian
humanist, and certain satirical dialogs from Lucian. In the mean-
time he had also met Erasmus, Orocyn, and Golet who had founded
St. Paul's School; and about this same period More delivered
a series of lectures at St. haul's on St. Augustine 's , Dei Civitate .
It is known, too, that he travelled on the continent, spending
considerable time at Paris and at Louvain. His political for-
tunes do not seem to have been wholly wrecked; for after rising
to the position of Under-sheriff of London, he was sent to the
a novel. Though much can be said in favor of this view,
especially since the description contains practically no ad-
venture and absolutely no love element, and since the primary
aim of the work was political satire, something may also be
advanced on the other side of the argument. Certainly the
Utopia lacks no more in these respects than does the Hai Ebn
Yokdhan which Dunlop experiences no scruples in accepting as
prose fiction. And assuredly it is less deficient in both
than is Harrington's Oceana (1656) which likewise is generally
accepted as a political romance . In any case the Utopia
since it tells of a supposed journey to a supposed land can-
not be disregarded here.
Netherlands as a member of the Royal Embassy. It was upon this
journey that :iore professes to have met at the houso of Peter
Bile 8 in Antwerp Raphael Kythloday from whom he learned the
story of Utopia.
The Utopia is divided into two books, the first of which
tells of I'ore's introduction to Hythloday and reports a con-
versation which supposedly took place at the table of Cardinal
I.Iorton in Line-land, while the second describes the kingdom of
Utopia, its laws and customs. Book I is an obvious attack upon
the England of 1516. The conversation be?:an with a lawyer's
lamenting the prevalence of robbery in spite of the wholesale
executions for that crime. Hythloday immediately seized the
opportunity to assert that the laws of England were wholly re-
sponsible for the sad state of affairs. 6 Hundreds of soldiers,
mained and crippled in the continental wars, unfit for physical
labor, were turned back upon the country every year with no
means of gaining an honest livelihood. Lords and abbots, further-
more, were permitted to enclose large areas of land for sheep-
raising, thereby abolishing agricultural labor throughout entire
districts and turning out whole families and villages to face
the prospect of starvation. In addition, the price of wool had
risen so that the small weaver could no longer practice his trade
with profit. Furthermore, the cost of living was continually
increasing, lien were, consequently, forced to steal; and since
b. Ilorley, Henry, Ideal Commonwealths, 1085, pf?. 61. This volume
gives a modern English text of the Utopia ; and since it also
includes Campanella ' s Civitas Solis and -aeon's Hew Atlantis
affords a convenient opportunity for comparison. (Thurton
Collins' edition of the Utopia , 1904, has an helpful Intro -
duction and TTotes ; it gives the text of Ralph Robinson ' s
English translation, 1551.
6. Same, pg. 62 ff.
death was the penalty for theft as well as for murder, they
not only robbed but killed their victims in order to remove all
possible witnesses. To show a happy contrast with thiB degenerate
condition Hythloday then explained the practice of the Poly-
lerites in Asia, who set their criminals to work, first cutting
off a portion of the ear and clothing them in a special convict's
garb so that they may be easily detected if they escape. Resti-
tution is, also, made not to the public treasury, but to the
person robbed. The prisoners may, after being found guilty, re-
ceive gifts from their friends; but the possession of money is
prohibited upon pain of death. Refusal to work is punished by
whipping. To a suggestion made at this point that he ought to
attach himself to the train of some great prince as an adviser,
Hythloday answered that he would be an unwelcome guest in such
a place; for the minds of kings were obsessed with the notions
of unjust wars and of over-heavy taxation of their subjects.'''
And he added: "To speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely
own, that as long as their is any property, and while money is the
standard of all other things, I cannot think that a nation can be
governed either justly or happily".
In Book II is given Hythloday 's description of the kingdom
of Utopia which he had discovered in the course of long wander-
ings after he had become separated from Amerigo Vespucci on the
fourth voyage. Utopia is a crescent, or horse-shoe, shaped
7. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 78 and 81. Gf. Henry VII and
8. Same, pg. 85.
9. Hythloday eventually reached Ceylon and got thence to Calicut
(Morley, pg. 55). Utopia must, then, lie in the South
island cut off from tho mainland "by a canal dug for protective
purposes. It is inhabited by a race which in years prone by
overran tho land under their leader and legislator Utopus.
Agriculture is the chief interest and the supreme art in
this nation, and all persons must learn something of it both in
theory and in practice. 1 ^ Every rural family consists of at
least two slaves and of forty free men and women. Twenty of
the latter are permitted to return to the city at every two
years' end, being replaced by an equal number transferred from
the towns; thus none are forced against their wills to apply
themselves indefinitely to farm labor, although "many amonjr them
take such pleasure in it, that they desire to continue in it
for many years". I 1 Products are common, i. e., state, property;
Surplus is transferred, without barter or sale, to places where
there is a shortage; and "when they want anything in the country
which it does not produce, they fetch that from the town, with-
out carrying anything in exchange for it".
Fifty-four towns grace this fair land. Of these Amaurote,
situated on the Anider River, is the chief. The city, which is
in the form of a square, is well fortified by a wall and a moat.
Its buildings are uniform in construction and are either of stone,
of brick, or of plaster. The streets are twenty feet wide, and
are "well sheltered from the wind". Here, as in the country,
is no private property; "every man may freely enter into any
10. Morley, pp. 91 and 96.
11. Same, pg. 91.
12. Same, pg. 92.
13. Morley, Ide al Commonwealths, per. 92.
house whatsoever", an* "at every ten years ond they shift
their houses by lot".
The national affairs of this communistic people are ad-
ministered by a parliament composed of three representatives
from each of the towns. The separate cities are ruled by
Philarchs, in former times called Syphogrant b, who are chosen
each year. One of these officers is allowed for every thirty
families, and over every ten fam'lies presides an Archphilarch,
formerly named a Tranibor. The Prince, who appears to be a
local magistrate, is elected by the Philarchs out of a list of
four "named by the people of the four divisions of the city",
and serves for life "unless he is removed upon suspicion of some
design to enslave the people". 16 Legislative work is carefully
safeguarded against rashness; for no decision is handed down
until after three days' debate, and no measure is discussed
upon the day it is first proposed, 17 Cabals and caucuses are
also forbidden since any meeting to consult on affairs of state,
"unless it be either in their ordinary council, or in the assembly
of the whole body of the people", is punishable by death.
Trades, other than that of farming, are hereditary in the
family; but children who show especial aptitudes, are allowed to
follow the bent of their genius. All, except the priests, are,
however, required to engage in some form or other of productive
labor; thus the working day is cut to six hours in length, the
14. Horley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 94.
15. Same, pg. 90.
16. Same, pg. 95.
17. Same, pg. 95.
18. Same, pg. 95.
19. Same, pg. 99. Exemption is also permitted to officials, but
they seldom avail themselves of the privilege.
remainder of the time being spent in study and recreation. This
minimum of labor is also made possible by the Spartan simplicity
of life on the island; for the Utopians, while at work, wear a
leather dross which ordinarily lasts for seven years, and their
other garments offer no individual distinction beyond that made
necessary by sex, or prescribed for the unmarried and the married.
They have, furthermore, only contempt for gold and £ems ; so that
avarice is unknown in that land. 2 ^
Family life is built upon the patriarchal model. The
eldest male in the family is the head, and is dispossessed of
his perogative only when "age has weakened his understanding".*^
In that case the next oldest assumes the position. These families
are not broken un unless it becomes necessary to divide the city;
for no town may have over 6,000 inhabitants. V/hen the number
grows beyond this mark, some of the people are sent either to
the under-populated sections of Utopia, or to colonies on the
mainland. Should the census of the island at any time fall below
the specified nark, some are then recalled from the extra-terri-
torial settlements. This patriarchal ideal also governs the
domestic ordering of the family. "Wives serve their husbands,
and children their parents, and always the younger serves the
elder". Marriage, too, is strictly supervised. Men may not
marry before the age of twenty-two, nor women before that of
eighteen. Illicit connections before these ages are severely
20. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 110-114. Communism, of
course, obviates any need "for money.
21. Same, pg. 102.
22. Same, pg. 103.
punished, as aro also all forms of adultery. 7/hon two persons
wish to marry, they are each in turn presented naked to the
other in order that they may have full cognizance of each other's
defects, Monogamy is strictly adhered to, and divorce is granted
only in cases of infidelity.
Communism, as one would exnect in a student of Plato, is
an important provision in the Utopian state. Its application to
property has already been explained;^ but it does not end there.
Although private tables are permitted, all the people eat in
the commons "since it is both ridiculous and foolish for any to
give themselves the trouble to make ready an ill dinner at home,
when there is a much more plentiful one made ready for him so
near at hand", 26 In the country, of course, "they eat at home' T
because of the great distance between the families. Neither do
the sick nor those in the hospitals attend the commons, their
portions being carried to them by the stewards. In the dining-
halls the men sit next the wall, thus leaving the women freer
egress in case of sudden illness. Children under five have their
places among the nurses; from that age until "they are fit for
marriage", they serve at table; or if they are not strong enough
for such a task, they stand gravely by in decorous silence. Dinner
and supper are preceded by moral discourses, and music sounds
during the latter meal over which they linger lonp:.
!Z3~, This is one of the few crimes for which the penalty is fixed;
in practically all cases it is left for the Senate to
adjudicate the matter according to the circumstances.
Morley, pg. 133.
24. See pg. b 2-
25. Llorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 105.
26. Same, pg. 105 -107.
Other practices of the country are upon an equally ideal
plane. There being- no need for business transactions the
necessity for travel is not great; but one may journey outside
the precinct of his own city if he obtains a passport from the
prince. In such case the state provides him with a slave, and
transportation if there are women in the party. Food and other
accomodations are furnished free by the communities through which
he passes. Should the traveller remain in any one place longer
than over night, he must apply himself to his regular trade. A
man may, however, visit within the territorial limits of his
native city without such passports; but he must first obtain the
consent of his father and his wife. Trade with foreign nations
is allowed only after all domestic needs are supplied; but even
then exportation is not conducted merely for gain since one-
seventh of the cargo is always distributed to the poor, and the
remainder is sold at "moderate rates". 2 ^ The profits arising
from such commerce, which is, of course, state controlled, are
converted into bonds and left on deposit with the debtor nation
until such time as the Utopians may call them in. This action
is taken only upon two conditions: in order to lend to a govern-
ment more needy than the one which holds the securities, or in
order to finance a war.
Considerations of physical well-being, however, have not
overshadowed those for that of the mind, lloral discourses before
meals have already been mentioned. Public lectures also are
27. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 108.
28. Same, pg. 108.
29. See pg.*<T
given before broakfast, but only those destlneti for the literary
profession are forced to attend. Others, nevertheless, are
often present; and all "are taught to spend those hours in which
they are not obliged to work in reading". 31 In fact, the in-
tellectual life is so far developed that, while they are entirely
ignorant of European culture, they have developed astronomy and
philosophy in all its branches to a most notable extent. In
philosophy they believe that the chief end of man is pleasure;
but theirs is no grossly hedonistic doctrine. They recognize
four sorts of pleasures: those arising from cultivation of the
mind, those arising from supplying the natural wants of the body,
those arising from relieving the body of surcharges, and those
arising from bodily health. The greatest of these is the
first ; 3 ^ and "health is the greatest of bodily pleasures" .35
Sports, hunting, and similar diversions they account "madness". 36
Virtue with them "is a living according to Nature"; and "they
believe that a nan then follows the dictates of nature when he
pursues or avoids things according to the direction of reason".
This following after "right reason" carries with it an observance
of all laws "which either a good prince has published in due form,
or to which a people, that is neither oppressed with tyranny nor
30. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 97 -98.
31. Same, pg. 114.
32. Same, pg. 114 - 115; see also pp. 127 -128 for their attitude
toward medicine, and toward printing and Greek literature
as shown to them by Hythloday and his companions.
33. Same, pg. 122.
34. Same, pg. 124.
35. Same, pg. 123.
36. Same, pg. 123. Note, also, that butchers are always slaves.
37. Same, pg. 116.
oiroumvented by fraud, has consented". 39 It also arouses in
one the desire "to dispense with hir own advantage for the frood
of others".* 59
The legal institutions of Utopia are simple. "They have
but few laws, and suoh is their constitution that they need not
many". Their punishments for adultery and treason have been
noted, as well as their commercial regulations and their com-
munism. Rebellious slaves are put to death if they will not
return to work or submit to the persuasion of chains. Lawyers
they have none because they think each man is his own best ad-
vocate, and that hired pleaders obstruct the channels of justice
by their verbal artifices. All laws, furthermore, are in-
terpreted according to "the plainest and most obvious of the
In Ilore's eyes, probably the greatest interest of the
Utopia centered in the pages which treat of religion. The creed
he sets forth appears to embrace three principles: "that the
soul of man is immortal, that God in his goodness has designed
that it should be happy; and that He has therefore appoint ed re-
wards for good and virtuous actions and punishments for vice,
to be distributed after this life". 44 But while the "greater and
wiser sort (of Utopians) adore one eternal, invisible, infinite,
38. Ivlorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 118.
39. Same, pg. 118.
40. See pp. 9, 10, and 11, respectively, this ch.
41. Morley, pg. 133.
42. Same, pg. 135.
43. Same, pg. 135.
44. Same, pg. 116.
r n —
and incomprehensible Dioty", others are free to worship what and
as they choose. This open-mindedness is further shown by their
eagerness to embrace Christianity as revealed to then by Hythlorlay
and his party. 4 ^ Such p-entle toleration is, nevertheless, sternly
tempered by statute. Utopus, that ideal legislator, himself
"made a law that every man might be of what religion he pleased,
and might endeavor to draw others to it by force or" argument, and
by amicable and modest ways, but without bitterness against those
of other opinions, but that he ought to use no other force but
that of persuasion, and was neither to nix with it reproaches
nor violence; and such as did otherwise were to be condemned to
banishment and slavery". Another statute is directed "against
such as should so far degenerate from the dignity of human
nature as to think that our souls died with our bodies"; and all
who hold this opinion are by common consent barred from all public
confidence lest they betray it in the interest of their own im-
mediate and material welfare. The general belief in immortality
is doubtless the cause of the Utopians' attitude toward death.
When one dies gladly and in peace, they rejoice. ',7hen one de-
parts this life reluctantly, they are sad; for such fear signifies
to then that the man is unfit to stand before the eternal judge,
and so they bear hin forth in sorrow, beseeching the all powerful
to have nercy upon the sinful soul. 4 ^ The noble and good they
45. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 148 - 149.
46. Sane, pg. 150. Hythloday explains that this desire nay have
risen fron a "secret inspiration of God" or fron a perception
that Christianity was "favorable to that community of ^oods".
Communisn of property was a doctrine of Wyclif and also of
47. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 151.
48. Same, pg. 152.
49. Same, pg. 153.
honor, and believe them invisibly present on earth even after
Their religious practice is simple. They do not "believe
in miracles. They have no images in their temples. They offer
no sacrifice; but they do burn candles and incense. They pray
during battle. "They think that the contemplating of God in
His works, and the adoring Him for them, is a very acceptable
piece of worship to Him." There are among them two sorts of
"friars" who "upon a motive of religious neglect learning" and
devote themselves to menial and charitable tasks without hire.
Of these one sect is extremely ascetic, the other much less so.
The later are judged the wiser by the laymen, the former the
holier. The priests, who may be either men or women, and who
are always eminently pious, are charged with the instruction of
the youth as one part of their work; but their greatest duty is
"to exort and admonish the neople." Further than this they may
not go, however, for the power of punishment lies wholly in the
eivil administration; they can only exclude the "desperately
wicked from joining in the worship".
This same idealistic practice is followed in their inter-
national relations. Since they see all about them nations violat-
ing solemn oaths and treaties, the Utopians refuse to enter into
any alliance. They do, however, give aid to any of their
neighbors who are seeking to throw off the yoke of tyranny or
to repel an invasion. For themselves they never wage war but upon
two provocations: to acquire for their surplus population un-
50. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 153.
51. Hythloday adds with stinging satire that they would, no doubt,
have other ideas if they lived in Europe where such viola-
tions of pledges are unknown.
occupied portions of another country, or to revenge physical
injury to their merchants in a foreign port. Mere commercial
fraud is answered by a trade boycott since profit is not the
aim of their commerce and the nation itself is self-supporting.
In marked contrast to these noble practices, however, is
the method of conducting hostilities. "The only desirn of the
Utopians in war is to obtain that by force, which if it had
been granted them in time would have preventer) war; or if that
cannot be done Jto take so severe a revenge on those that have
injured them that they may be terri f ied from doing the like for
the time to come " . In gaining this end no tricks of strategy
are too deceitful, no intrigues too base, no practices too low.
Schrecklichkeit is their motto. Immediately upon the declaration
of war they publish a schedule of rewards for the murder or
capture of the enemy rulers, thus sowing distrust and suspicion
among the foe. This practice they justify upon the equivocal
ground that it is kind to the enemy as well as advantageous to
themselves because it may prevent great bloodshed by bringing
the war to an early close. Should this plan of assasination
fail, attempts are made to instigate revolts and revolutions
among the hostile troops. But if open hostilities be a necessity,
the Utopians, although both their men and women are trained to
arms, hire with their hoarded gold the ^apolets, a "rude, wild,
and fierce nation".* 53 This employment of mercenaries they defend
by saying that "as they seek out the best sort of men for their
52. Ilorley, Ideal Commonwealths, pg. 141. The italics are mine.
53. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 143. These are probably
meant f o r the Swiss who at that time hired out as
mercenaries to the neighboring kin^s.
own use at home, bo they make use of the worst sort of men for
the consumption of war". These Zapolets with the auxiliaries
from other nations and such of their own people as volunteer 55
make up the Utopian army. In the ordering of the battle line
families are placed together so that mutal devotion and self-
esteem may incite them to bravery, and it is seldom that if one
falls in a hard fight any of the group survive. But usually the
losses are not excessive; for they allow the brunt of the on-
slaught to be borne by the auxiliary troops, and, moreover,
depend rather upon strategy than upon either aggression or stiff
opposition. Yet however brutal may be their conduct of war
in these respects, they have a fine sense of honor and never
violate a truce once it is agreed to. neither do they ravage
an enemy country or inflict indignities upon the civil population.
They do, on the other hand, sternly and uncompromisingly exact
an indemnity great enough to defray the expenses of the campaign
to the last farthing.
As one reads this extended political document, he naturally
wonders upon what sources More drew for his materials. Ghurton
Collins thinks that he borrowed from Plato, Plutarch, Tacitus,
and St. Augustine. Of the last source I confess to have doubts,
although More must have known the Dei Civitate thoroughly since
he delivered a series of lectures upon it. In support of his
54. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 144.
55. "Slackers" are, however, in case of invasion put in the front
rank where fear of public opinion holds them firm, or up-
on the walls of the city in case of siege, where the danger
to their homes inspires them with a momentary bravery.
56. Collins, Churton, Utopia , 1904, Introduction, pp. xxvi -
xxvii. The Cyropedia and Cicero, he concludes, had no
bolief Mr. Collins cites Dr. Lupton, saying; He "discerns it
( August inian influence) in the conception of a perfect order
as it prevailed in the city of God: in the due subordination of
every member of society, each being glad to do hie own work
and fall into his own place: in the community of goods, and in
the limitation of bond service".^ 7 If, however, the last phrase
be omitted and Republic inserted for City of God , the quotation
will apply excellently well to Plato. Moreover, !!r. Collins in
his copious notes fails to indicate any parallels between the
Utopia and the Dei Civitate ; while he lists eleven with Plato
and seven with Plutarch. In addition, as Mr. Collins points out,
Aufrustine opposed the justifiability of suicide, and More defended
it.^ These facts may not be conclusive; but they are significant
The book which gave the immediate suggestion for the out-
ward details of the Utopia was, doubtless, Amerigo Vespucci's
Letter to Soderini written in 1504 and published in Latin at St.
Die in 1507. Prom it More probably got the conception of locat-
ing his city in the new world, and of lending to his story a
certain verisilimitude by making his traveller a companion of
an historic explorer. Amerigo mentions, also a people vho have
no "private property, everything being in common" His Indians,
too, have no regard for gold or pearls; but this characteristic
TT» Collins, Churton, Utopia , 1904, Introduction , pg. xxvTI
58. Collins, pg. 220, ITote to 1, 9 on pg. 1.00 of text.
59. See pg. *H , for a discussion of verisimilitude in the
Utopia . The excitement attendant upon the discoveries
of Columbus and the Cabots undoubtedly exerted an in-
60. Hakluyt Society Publications, vol. XC, pp. 6 - 12. Also
Collins, Introduction, pp. xxxviii - xxxix.
arises from ignorance. Collins has, likewise, cited three
parallels with Tacitus: the distinction between the garments
of men and women and between those of the married and the un-
married, the suckling of infants by their mothers, and the dis-
regard of precious metals. The last of these, however, he
recognizes as common to both the Life of Lycurgus and the Republic
The second, he also admits, is found in Plato's Republic and in
Plutarch's De liberis Educandis . This leaves one lone parallel
The correspondence with Plutarch is, on the other hand,
more exact and more extensive. In both Sparta and Utopia there
is a contempt for ornament, but while Mere's communism obviated
any necessity for money, Lycurgus had need of it in his state.
He chose, however, to discourage avarice by making his coin
of iron, and so too bulky for convenient hoarding. The marriage
customs of the two countries are, likewise, not unsuggestive
of each other. In Lacedaemon marriage is consummated "at
maturity"; in Utopia "not before eighteen" for women and twenty-
two for men. In the former the virgins dance naked before the
eligible youths; in the latter the pair are exhibited to each
other unclothed. In both countries the national assembly is
elected by the towns. In both jesters are popular. In both
the public tables are conducted in much the same manner, but
liberty of eating in private is allowed by More. Lacedaemon
was, however, more fortunate than Utopia in one respect. "Law-
suits were banished" along with wealth ;62 while there are
61. See Note 91, this chp.
62. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths, pg. 40.
no lawyers in the latter, legal controversies still persist.
Both nations, too, curtail foreitm travel. Both, moreover,
honor eminent ancestors, commemorate strategic victories by
erecting columns, and admit women to the mysteries of religion.
In conclusion, it should be noted that in each case the founder
of the nation was its great legislator.
The great influence upon the Utopia , however, is Plato's.
That the conception of an ideal state and the use of the dialog
form was owed to him, is obvious. But there is, also, a correspond
ence in details between the work of Ilore and Plato. Both have
common tables, communism of property, ^ contempt of precious
metals and gems, absence of bars and bolts from houses, educa-
tion through music, lectures, and horseback-riding, nursing of
infants by mothers, equality of women, avoidance of war, and a
philosophy of pleasure and nain. Mr. Collins noints out further
that the poetic passage in Division VI of Book II of the Utopia
is inspired by a similar one in the Republic The same
editor thinks, also, that Plato's description of Atlantis pave
63. Mr. Collins 'Notes on these points are to be found in his
edition of the Utopia , pp. 201 (note to per. 71, 1.5);
203 (pg. 73, 1. 13) ; 222 (pg. 101, 1. 21); 225, (per. 105,
1. 17); 230 (pg. 112, 1. 19); 240, (pg. 132, 1. 12). The
other parallels are of my own notation.
64. Professor H. S. V. Jones of the University of Illinois has
suggested to me that this idea may have come from the Ana-
baptists. I cannot, however, help but feel that the Lord
Chancellor who wore a hair shirt and trod heretics under
his feet "like ants", would have looked only rrith horror
upon an heretical communism, especially the lewd, licenti-
ous, and immoral variety that had to be suppressed by armed
force. It is also interestinr to note that the quotations
under the word "libertine" in the Oxford Dictionary class
.,. Anabaptists and libertines together at this period.
65. The same idea occurs in the Critias .
66. Morley, pg. 128 (top), and Republic , vii, 529 (Jo-rett's
More the idea of Utopia; but while the fable of Atlantip nay-
have suggested locating the ideal republic in the western ocean,
the two countries remain markedly different in shane, and the
Critias ends before anything definite is said. Plato's general
theory of virtue being prized above luxury, as expressed in the
Timaeus , may also have had its influence upon More. Another
detail is the canal by which the Utopians cut their island off
from the mainland; in the Timaeus there is one three hundred feet
wide, one hundred feet deep, and fifty stadia long; Herodotus
also records that the Gnidians dug a canal across the neck of
their ueninsula to protect themselves against attack from the
Extended as this indebtedness is it is far overshadowed
by Llore's originality and by his contributions to the type. The
minor details for which successors are indebted to More can best
be pointed out when their works are under discussion. But there
can be no question that More gave to Plato's abstract ideality
"a local habitation and a name" which it has continued to keep
in one form or another under one guise or another until the
present day; for Utopia, Givitas Solis, New Atlantis, Christian-
opolis, Severambia, L'Isle Inconnue, Erehwon, and Altruria are
sister states whatever their geographical position or whatever
their governmental form. In addition, More introduced the
practice, exceedingly popular with him, of locating ^ ne imaginary
state in some part of the newly discovered continents — America
and Australia. Not until 1675, it is true, does the practice
become fixed of giving an exact and definite location; but to
More, nevertheless, must go the credit of having first conceived
A second contribution on More's part to the development
of the voyage imp inaire was an elaboration of the "effort to
force belief". All previous writers in the genre had depended
chiefly on the dogmatic statement "I saw"; Mandeville alone had
introduced near the end of his book a direct testimonial to his
truthfulness. More showed greater subtlety. He first created
Hythloday and made him a companion of an historical explorer;
then he had various persons testify to the uprightness of this
fictitious person's character. But the chief evidence was
offered in a set of letters prefixed to the first edition. One
of these is from Peter Giles to Hierome Busleyden, and appears
to have been sent along with a copy of the Utopia , for it mentions
the addition to the manuscript of "a meter of iiij verses
written in the Vtopian tongue" and "the Alphabete of the same
nation", which were given to Giles by Hythloday after More's
departure from Antwerp. The letter also declares that More's
"memorie" of the conversation is "perfect and suer". It ex-
plains, moreover, why no clear information is given as to the
geographical location of the island. Just at the moment Hyth-
loday was explaining this point More's servant entered an^
whispered in his master's ear, thus distracting his attention;
Giles, listening all the more intently on that very account, also
failed to catch Hythloday 's remarks because one of the company
67. The letters are usually omitted from modern editions of the
Utopia . Collins reprints them as an Appendix to his
volume. Dr. A. J. Tieje in Chapter III, The Consciously
Expressed Theory of European Prose Fiction , discusses
their bearing on TKe problem of verisimilitude •
"couched out so loude, that he toke from my hearynge certen
wordes". "But", Giles adds, "I will neuer stynte, nor rest,
until I haue gotte the full and exacte knowledge thereof". Un-
fortunately, he hears only "very vncerten newes" of Hythloday,
some saying that he had died, others that he had returned to his
own country, and still others that he had pone hack to Utopia.
More's own letter to Peter Giles is in much the same vein. After
apologising for his long delay in forwarding the manuscript, he
requests that Giles see Hythloday and find out the actual length
of the bridge over the Anider at Amaurote; for More himself under-
stood it to be five hundred paces, but "John Clement my boy
sayeth that ii hundred of those paseis must be plucked
awaye". More also asks that the exact position of Utopia be
told to him, because a certain "godly man is excedynge
desierous to go vnto Vtopia, to the intent he maye
further and increase our religion". And additional point is
given to the whole by More's protestation: "For as I will take
good hede that there be in my book nothyng false, so, if there
be anythynge in doubte, I wyll rather tell a lye then make a
lye; bicause I had be good then wise rather".
A third innovation introduced by More into the voyage
imaginaire is of greater importance still because it is entirely
original with him; for however great his indebtedness to Plato
and Plutarch, the immediate source of his work must be sought
in contemporary political and economic conditions. Book I
emphasises this; for that portion of the narrative, which con-
stitutes about a third of the entire book, is devoted to a con-
versation about robbery, enclosures, and farming in Henry VTII's
England. In Book II, also, : r ore makes continued reference to
the /Europe of his day and constantly compares its practices
with those of Utopia. The method by which he pains his effect
is satire, or if not satire, at least a disguised discuesion
of sixteenth century problems — a conception in part borne out
by the nomenclature behind which More probably thought to hide
himself in case the Utopia roused the royal wrath. "Utopia",
as everybody knows, is a Greek compound meaning "nowhere".
Churton Collins points out that in addition practically every
name in the story has a similarly hidden signification.^
"Amaurote" is a "phantom city"; "Anider", a "river in which is
no water"; the "Anemolians", a "people of the wind"; the
"Polylerites", "babblers of much nonsense"; the "Achorians",
"those who have no place on earth"; and "Hythloday" means "skilled
in babble"* When, moreover, one reads that "no town desires to
enlarge its bounds", or that wars of agression are carried on
only to relive over-population, or that treaties "are religi-
ously observed in Europe", or that the Achorians had trouble
in retaining conquered territory to which they had some ancient
pretense of sovereignity, or that Hythloday disapproves of
royal ambition and avarice, he cannot help but feel that More
is making covert references to his own England. Similarly the
description of Amaurote is generally accepted as being that of
idealized London. Indeed, Stowe says: Amaurote "doth in every
68. Introduction , pg. xli.
69. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 90.
70. Same, pg. 102.
71. Same, pg. 137.
72. Same, pg. 77.
73. Same . pg. 78 - 85.
particular thing so exactly square and correspond with our
City of London that I make little doubt that the writer did
thereby mean the same place"; and he thereupon proceeds to
transcribe the passage from More as a description of London in
the reign of Henry VIII. But if the description was so in-
tended by its author, the intent must have been satirical; for
even in 1516 London was no longer (if it ever was) "small and
white and clean" — it was sprawling, drab, and dirty. To the
passages already cited may be added those on laws, lawyers,
and courts; the removal of all cases from the civil ,iuris-
diction; the simplicity of religious worship; and the adoption
of the Lutheran confessional. In this adoption of the imaginary
state as a means for assailing specific contemporary abuses lies
lore's advance over his predecessor Plato. Llore's dialog is
obviously political j Plato's philosophic. More has his eye
upon the conditions of his day; Plato upon life in the abstract.
Philosophic Speculation joined with Greek Statecraft and pro-
duced the Republic ; Political Science cohabited with Poetic
Imagination and begat the Utopia .
A caution must, however, be sounded here against a too
eager acceptance of the Utopia , as an expression of Ilore's own
ideas, as well as against a practice, common even among scholars,
of a superficial consideration of the details of the book, ^or
74. Stowe, John, Survey of London and Westminster , 1598, vol. II,
pg. 573 - 574.
75. Morley, Ideal Commonv/ealths, pg. 136.
76. Same, pg. 156.
77. Same, pg. 158 ff.
78. Same, pg. 139.
while the remarks at the end of the hook cannot, perhaps, he
taken at their face value, they at least suggest that the author
was expressing a theory and not a conviction, that the Utopia is
a picture of a possibility rather than of a probability, and
that the whole is a speculation not a demonstration. Scholar-
ship has, also been grievously exercised at times to reconcile
what it considered Utopian broadmindedness in religion with
lore's uncompromising persecution of heretics. This error arises
from a partial examination of the Utopia ; for a careful reading
reveals, as has been pointed out, that beneath the apparent
religious freedom is a stern repression directed especially against
public disputation and abusive polemics the very things which
More as an ardent son of Mother Church must have viewed with
'.Then, however, every indebtedness to predecessors has been
admitted, and every allowance has been made for discrepancy be-
tween Utopian practice and Ilore's own beliefs, the Utopia still
stands forth as an important milestone in the progress of the
voyage imaginaire . I.Iore found ready to his hand the abstract
79. l.Iorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 166: "7/hen Raphael had
thus made an end of sneaking, though many things occurred
to me, both concerning the manners and laws of that
people, that seemed very absurd, as well as their way
of making war, as their notion of religion and divine
matters; together with several other particulars, but
chiefly what seemed the foundation of all the rest,
their living in common, without the use of money, by which
all nobility, magnificence, splendor, and majesty, which,
according to the common opinion, are the true ornaments
of a nation, would be quite taken away". And on pg. 167:
"I cannot perfectly agree to everything he has related;
however, there are many things in the Commonwealth of
Utopia that I rather wish, than hope, to see followed in
oonsidorat ion of the ideal state and the wonderbook; these he
combined into a form which other writers at once began, and have
continued to copy. To the imaginary state, also, he first pave
a definite location and a name. He, too, was the earliest to
make the voyage imaginaire a vehicle for the criticism of con-
temporary political and economic conditions a function which
many of the descriptions of ideal states cominr after his time
serve; for after 1516 such works are no longer purely philosophic
speculations — no matter how theoretical they may be, they
have always a foundation in their own times. Ilore also rendered
a service to prose fiction as a whole. He is among the first to
recognize the value of the "effort to force belief". His
letters and his specimens of the Utopian tongue led directly
to Vairasse's elaborate preface and lengthy dissertation on
Severambian grammar; and other types of fiction did not fail to
follow the suggestion. Thomas Ilore, in short, is not only the
father of the modern Utopia, but of certain well established
fictional practices as well.
The texts of the next three imaginary states to appear
in Europe have, unfortunately, not been available for the purpose
of this study. I have, therefore, been forced to omit discussion
80. The omission of von Mo hi and Voigt from this discussion may
seem strange; but the general criticism which they give
only bears out the ideas already expressed. Von Uohl (183)
finds that More substituted plans of his own for those of
Plato in regard to marriage, labor, and governmental organ-
ization, and sees only weakness in the equalization of
agricultural labor, communism, and slavery. Voigt (62)
defends I.Iore's use of the latter custom on the pround that
his knowledge afforded him no other means of netting the
menial labor performed.
of Camo'ens 1 L ' Isle Enchantee ; ^ and for my knowledge of Patricio's
La (Jitta Felice (1553) and of Stiblin's CommontarloluB de ;mdaeno -
nensiun Republica (1555) I have had to rely upon the brief and
unsatisfactory summaries appended by the Reverend I r. ./alter
Begley to his edition of the Nova Solyrca . The former he calls
"a very uninteresting production". It sets forth a materialistic
ideal "plenty to eat and to drink, pood houses, rood clothes,
a well-managed, healthy town, rood sanitary arrangement r" seem
to be the chief provisions. Seemingly Patrizi offers no sug-
gestions which mirht not be found in More; but whether or not
he is imitating him cannot be told from Mr* Be gl ey 1 s , summary .
Since, however, the book itself is only thirty-seven pages in
length, amplification even on the author's part would seem to be
precluded. From the summary it is, also, impossible to tell
whether the book is a voyage imaginaire or merely a utopia.
Stiblin's Commentariolus de Kudaemonensium Republica , on
the other hand, is unquestionably a voyage imaginaire ; for the
"writer and others" are shipwrecked upon the coast of Llacaria,
an island in the "Eastern Ocean", The chief city of this
country, Eudaemon, is round in form, is well fortified with three
walls and a moat, and has four gates facing the cardinal points
of the compass. The walls are adorned with "moral notices in
Greek and Latin", the former being taken chiefly from the Hecuba
of iuripid^es. All classes must work together for the good of
the state; but the lower classes do not participate in the govern-
81. The date of this work is uncertain. Camo'ens was born in
1524 or 25 and died in 1580.
82. Vol. II, pp. 365 ff. This edition was published in 1902.
mont — valgus pessinus re rum ggrendum an c tor oat is the motto
posted before the public eye. The sumptuary laws are very
strict; drunkeness, for example, is punished with preat severity,
any official guilty of this offence bein^r immediately deprived
of his honors. Loss of the tonprue is the penalty for blasphemy,
and public disputants suffer banishment. Those who deserve
well of the state are publicly rewarded. The religion is evan-
gelical. The absence of communism stamps the book at once as
not being: an imitation of Tore or of Plato. Two details - the
name and location of Stiblin's island - suggest an influence
from the former; for llore mentions the I'acarians^ as living not
far from the Utopians, anri Utopia as lying between America and
India, i. e. in the Pacific Ocean, which may probably be
Stiblin's Eastern Sea. Both authors, moreover, assign the same
doom to contentious arguers of religious questions. These
parallels may be of no significance; but they are suggestive.
Toward the close of the sixteenth century CrOdwin wrote
his I.lan in the i.loone , which is a picaresque romance, a
Robinsonade, and a voyage imaginaire in one. This combination
is important since now for the first time the hero of the voyage
is given a rounded character. Lucian appears only as a prreat
liar; Mandeville as a pious, garrulous, and credulous traveller;
Hythloday, in order to lend verisimilitude to the story, as an
upright and learned man. But other than this their personalities
83. Morley, pg. 81.
84. See Note 27, this chapter.
85. Por full title see Bibliography .
86. I offer no apology for thr word; I am simply quo tins: Lucian
when he says: "I shall at least be truthful in saying that
I am a liar". Verae Historiae , pg. 253, Harmon's transla-
are vague and indistinct. With Godwin the hero first assumes
those definite qualities which later authors repularly assigned
to him, although his immediate successors — Hall, Cannanella,
Andreae, and Bacon — still clung to tho vaguely portrayed hero.
The book does not appear to have been published before
1630, and the only authority for its having been written earlier
is the author's own statement. No English reprints seem to
have been made; but at the present time the text is readily ae-
cessible in the Harleian Miscellany , and in Anglia . The im-
mediate popularity of the book on the continent appears, however,
to have been greater than at home; the French translations were
made in 1648, and again in 1654 and 1671, and German versions
were published in 1659 and 1660.
According to the story, Domingo Gonzales, a Spaniard by
birth, began his somewhat questionable career as a soldier of
fortune in the Low Countries, whence he contrived to return
with sufficient spoils to fret himself respectably married. A
short while after, however, he slew a kinsman in a duel, and was
compelled to flee to Lisbon, where a relation of the dead man
cozened him out of a large sum of blood-money. To repair his
shattered fortunes Gonzales embarked on a commercial venture to
the East Indies; but falling ill on the return voyage, he with
a black servant was set ashore on St. Helena, where he found
some large migratory geese, or swans, which had one claw shaped
like that of an eagle, and the other like that of a swan. His
87. Harleian I.Iiscellany , vol. XI, pg. 512.
88. Harleian Miscellany , vol. XI, pp. 511 - 534. Anglia , vol. X
pp. 428 - 456.
leisure time he spent in training certain of these to carry
him in a kind of sling, hut not lor.fr after this feat was ac-
complished, the Spanish ships arrived to carry him and the
negro back to Europe. Off the Canary Islands, however, they
were overhauled by some English vessels; and that on which Gon-
zales was^ sought to escape capture by running aground, but fear-
ing the breakers, he made ready his birds for flight, and by
this means gained the land. His good fortune, nevertheless, wis
short-lived; for the natives immediately attacked him, the birds
asrain saving him for destruction, but giving him new cause for
alarm since after alighting a moment on a mountain top, they
soared into the middle regions of the universe. There Gonzales
experienced neither hunger, nor heat, nor cold, nor was he
sensible of any weight. As he passed through this region, a
troop of spirits came around him, and offered him food and drink
if he would promise to remain among them. He accepted the
provisions, but refused to pledge his course of action — a wise
precaution since when he unwrapped their gifts in the Uoon, he
found them to be only trash of one sort or another.
The description of the Lloon is very vague. Those parts
which appear light to us are seas; those which appear dark are
land. The lunar language consists, not of words, but of
musical tones. The people propel themselves through the air
with large feather fans. Virtue is in?i'cated by a person's
89. Bishop 7/ilkins in his Discovery of a 7/orld in the ?.Toon (1640),
ch. 8, upholds the contrary. Godwin's book may have in-
fluenced Wilkins. Indeed Godwin proclaims that the latter
"calls it a pleasant and well contrived fancy"; but I do
not find such a statement in Wilkins' Discovery .
height; and sinoe vice is almost unknown among thoni, small
people are very uncommon. Such persons are, if it is possible,
sent to the Earth as changelings; otherwise they are condemned
to menial labor at home. These individuals also sleep from
the time of the full moon to the end of the last quarter, being
unable to endure any brilliant illumination. The chief temporal
magistrate, who is twenty feet high and upv/ard, and is over five
thousand years old, dwells in the island of Martini, which is
carefully guarded from intruders. The spiritual prince is
younger and smaller. 7/hen he was presented at court, Gonzales
made a present of certain gems to the king, and receiver) in
rrturn three jewels of mag-ic properties. There he also learned
of a lunar tradition that lone* ago a man came from the earth and
founded the present dynasty; but this, he concludes, is a "false
and romantick" idea since there is no similar story current on
the Earth. Both the hero and his geese now became homesick and
so he began his return journey, arriving on the Earth without
accident. Happening to land in China, however, he was arrested
as a sorcerer; but the local Mandarin favoring him, he was sent
to "Pequin" whence by the hands of some Jesuit missionaries he
forwarded his manuscript into Spain with good hopes of soon
following it himself.
Such extravagant fancy had, naturally, to seek out some
means of gaining a suspension of disbelief on the reader's part.
90. There is in the introductory passages a promise to tell of
such things as the telephone, the telegraph, e_t cetera ; but
it is not fulfilled.
And to this end various means are employed. First of all, the
story is not published separately, but is included in A View of
the Island of St. Helena , the description of which serves no
other apparent purpose than that of introducing the narrative.
The testimony of the "ingenious Bishop V/ilkins" has already been
cited, and other authorities are also invoked. Further than
this the author protests that "many of our English historians
(have) published, for truth, what is almost as improbable as
this, as Sir John I.Iandevil in his travels and others, and this
(has) what they are utterly destitute of, that is, invention
mixed with judgment." Other discoveries and theories, he also
points out, have been sceptically received at first, only to be
found true later, as those of Columbus and the existence of the
Antipodes. Protest of this sort is altogether similar to that
of Sir John Mandeville, behind whose skirts Godwin does not
blush to hide; but it markes a decided artistic retrogression
from the clever trickery of More's letters. Godwin did, however,
introduce one noteworthy variation into the effort to force
belief, although he himself does not appear to recognize its
literary value. His book is supposedly printed from the manu-
script sent home by Gonzales who rer.ained conveniently behind
in China so that no sceptical reader could seek to verify his
existence; but while Godwin only mentions the manuscript, Vairasse
and Foigny in this type of fiction and Prevost in another, seized
91. "I remember some years since, I read certain stories tending
to confirm what is here related in these Lunars, and es-
pecially one chapter of IJeubrigensis . Inigo llondijar, in
his description of Nova Garanta; also Joseph Defia de
Carana, in his history of Mexico, if my memory fail not,
recount what will make my report credible; but I value
not testimonies." See Note 89, above.
upon the suggestion and built around it elaborate introductions
designed to gain verisimilitude. Another important influence
of the obscure Godwin was exercised upon such men as Cyrano de
Bergerac, *- l'Abbe Gabriel Daniel, and Brunt to whom he seoms
to have suggested the journey throurh interstellar space and the
world in the ::oon.
A more interesting and in some respects more important
work is the ITundus Alter et Idem of Bishop Joseph Hall t known
in his own day as a trenchant satirist and a vigorous contro-
velsialist. He calls himself, evidently not without a touch
of egotism, the first English satirist, "which", Canon Perry says,
"must be interpreted as the first formal writer of satires upon
the Latin model"; and Hall's claim is upheld by a number of
pungent satires in Latin verse, that were published under the
general title Virgidemiarum, Sixe Bookes . The first volume of
these, appearing in 1597, contained the First Three Booke s of
Toothlesse Satyrs ; and the second in 1598, the Three Last Pookes
of By ting Satyrs , these subtitles indicating that however classic
might be his models, -Tall possessed enough of the full-blooded
Renaissance T^nglishman to appreciate the popularizing value of
the picturesque phrase. He was also an ardent opponent of
Romanism, but no "^uritan as his clashes with Hilton will testify.
In him was, too, a certain love of adventure which in 1605 sent
him to Spa in the guise of a layman where he startled the regular
92. Upham, A. H. , French Influence in English Literature in
the 16th and 17th " Centuries , pg. 377 . ~
93. For full title see Bibliography .
94. Perry, the Reverend Canon," article on Hall in the Dictionary
of national Biography .
clerfcy and Jesuits aliko by his knowledro of religious contro-
versy and his ability in disputation. Adapted by nature to
the creative work of imaginative literature, made acquainted
by education with the satires of Lucian, and attracted by
literary inclination to the work of Rabelais, Hall, even though
a Bishop in the Anglican Church, was the man to pen the raciest
of moral satires that fall v.ithin the bounds of the voyare
"The first edition was published without ulace or
date", says the editor of Hall's Collected 7orks (1839). The
second appeared at Hanover in 1607, and another undated one at
Frankfort, probably that which Canon Perry in the Dictionary of
National ?iorrraphy assigns to 1605. In 1643 and again in 1680
the I'undu s was printed and bound up with Bacon's Hew Atlantis
and Campanella's Civita s Solis ; while in 1669 appeared an im-
itation entitled Psittacoru m Itegio : The Land of Parrots , or the
She elands . The original work was early translated into
Hnglish; an undated version "by an English Ilercury" seems to
have been the first, and in 1608 J(ohn) H(ealey) made another.
95 . See Bibliography, under anonymous.
96. " " Hall. There is prefixed an address
of "J. H. the translator to J. H. the author" which
reads as follows: "Sir, if the turning of your witty
worke into our mother tongue do distaste you, blame not
any but your selfe that wrote it. Iisnguage doth not alter
the sence of any thing. I had as leeve one would call me
a knave in English as in Italian. Where I varye from yoiir
original, it is eyther to exures^e your sence, or preserve
your conceit. This I hope to hear you satisfied: for
others, if any snarle, lie bite as deepe as they, since
"Vrong and revenge infuse more fervent spirit,
Then all the Muses can; in right of merit.
Your gravity and place, Pnvie as well as T must reverence.
If you but rest unmoov'd, let any man else kick, lie scorne
him. Let the whole world of flaring Critiques traduce mee,
or no, it skilles not whether: both I am arm'd for, one
When one considers this apparent popularity, he finds it stranre
that the editors of Dr. William Kind's works should have riven
out a translation of i<ook I t Chapters 1 to 6 found amonr his
papers as "an original piece in the manner of Rabelais". 97
Stranger still is the impudence of one "R. S." who in 1684 pub-
lished a racy translation of Hall's work, and palmed it off
as that of a Spanish manuscript redeemed by him "from the Teeth
of Time and the very Paw of Destruction " and written by Don Q."
whom he surmises to "be either Quevedo or Ouixot".
The book is a satirical description of certain lands lying
in the Ethiopian Ocean southward of Africa, and called by the
generic name of Terra Australis Incognita , as reported by the
author, an unnamed traveller. Crapulia, "a very fair and larp-e
territory" is the first province visited. It lies "in 74
degrees of longitude, and 60 degrees of latitude, and 11 decrees
distant from the Gape of Good Hope"." This country is divided
into two provinces, pamphagonia and Ivronia, but they are ruled
I looke for, neither I care for. Thus, from him that will
bee your's repolute, J. H."
97. Morley, pg. 8. King lived 1650 - 1729; his V/orks were pub-
98. I discovered independently that this was a translation; but
I was pleased to find that Mr. Esdaile in his List of
English Prose Tales and Prose Romances before 1740 con-
firmed my conclusion. R. S. has, however, used his original
freely. His translation of the place names has made the
satire more coarse, if more vigorous, and his diction is
never refined. He has, moreover, left out and added at
will, as, for example, he omits on pg. 117 the Portuguese
whom Hall mentions on pg. 52, ; and in the last chapter of
BK. IV, R. S. adds a lonr passage, pp. 191 - 194.
99. Hall writes, 'forks, vol. XII, pg. 9, ed. 1839, "Longitudine ,
vero, ad sexagesimum porrigitur. A Gapitae Boni Spei 11
grad distat; totique fere Africae ex adverso t iacet".
by a single prince. The first, which i8 shaped like a Greek Z^,
is a land of plenty. Birds coming into the country prow po fat
they cannot fly away; and the fish fight to he hooked. No
importations except of foodstuffs are permitted, and nothing
eatable may be exported. In the district of Friviandy the altars
of the god Gorbelly blaze day and night. Golosia abounds in
fruits, and out of the „uker Hills, which lie in this division,
the inhabitants "draw something that is hard, white, and sparklinr,
but sweet". Artocreopolis, the chief town of Pamphagonia, is
protected by a great moat filled with fish and by a high wall
built of the bones of animals which the inhabitants have de-
voured. Because staircases are dangerous to drunken men the
law prohibites their erection. The waist is the measure of all
things; for one's rank in the social scale and his promotion
in office is determined solely by his girth, and loss of weight
brings with it a corresponding reduction in posit ion. Feast-
ing is sole occupation, diversion, and end of life. None may
leave the city fasting under penalty of eating a double portion;
all governmental deliberations are preceded by a feast; none
may rise from the table before six hours have elapsed; gormandis-
ing is taught in the schools; food is legal tender. The only
foe of this fat country is Hungerland. Even the religion savors
of the kitchen and the cellar. Time is their god, for he devours
100. Same, pg. 23, gives an epitaph of one of the dukes: "Omasius
Fagoniae, Dux, Dominus, Victor, princeps, Deus hie jaceo:
nemo ne nominet fame li cms, paretereat jejunus, salutet
sobrius: haeres mihi esto qui potest, subditus qui vult,
qui, audet hostis. Vivite ventres et valete". This R. S.
translates (pg. 37) "I All -Paunch, mike of Belly-All-
Main, lye here entombed, dying a Lord, a Victor, a Prince,
a Deity. Let none pass by me fastinp, nor name me hungry,
nor salute me sober: Be mine heir he that can, my subject
he that will, mine enemy he that dare."
all things. Jove they hold in irreverence because hie thunrler
sours the wine and spoils the riDe fruit.
Ivronia ip not essentially different from its sister
province, except that liquor is substituted for food. A flagon
must never be accepted unless it is full, and may never be re-
turned unless it is empty; he who waters his wine is compelled
to eat with the dogs. The only garment is a wreath of vine
leaves about the middle, but all paint their bodies in strange
designs after the manner of the Indians. Strangers cominf into
the couni ry must before the expiration of three days sacrifice
to Bacchus by drinking dry a larg-e hollow statue of the rod
filled with wine. The Knights of the Golden Tun is their
From this province the author wanders into that of Vira-
ginia, called by the European geographers Psittacorum Terr am .
Its chief state is Linguadocia, the capital of which is Garrula
There the author was taken prisoner, and released only upon his
promising never to do any ill to the female sex, never to in-
terrupt a speaking woman, never to deny his wife any finery she
might look at, and to let her rule the household. In Viraginia
the men do the menial work and perform all the domestic duties;
and there is no country where the households are better kept.
IToronia, or the Land of Fools, is peopled by a fat, fair
tall race with thick lips and ears. In winter they open their
garments to allow the heat easier access to their bodies; while
in summer they shut it out by means of thick wrappinp-s . Their
heads are shaven so that the heat of the brain may be allayed,
and also that the mind may more easily aspire heavenward. A
similar folly appears in all thoir regulations and conduct of
The fourth and last country visited is Lavernia, or the
Land of Thieves. It is a sterile land and naught errows there;
but the inhabitants have plenty because they never surrender
that which they get. Children are trained to steal from earliest
infancy. Even before they are weaned, they must purloin runs
from their mothers' hair; and detection in this theft brings an
inevitable thrashing. Some of the inhabitants plunder ships,
anerlinr- for them with loadstones. And all practice some form
This brief summary can give no more than a vague idea
suggestion of the satire; the book must be read to be appreciated,
both as to wit and coarseness. The point lies, naturally, in
the extreme exaggeration of the general as well as the specific
detail, and the attack was meant, obviously, to strike at such
customs as gluttony, debauchery, forwardness in women, and dis-
honesty. Its own century recognized this; for a "literary
chronicler of the seventeenth century" says: " The Mundus Alter
et Idem of a certain Englishman was not Ion?- since published: a
satire against the corrupt manners of the present age; in which,
while he assigns separate stations to the separate vices, and
distinguishes the nations inhabiting them, and the places them-
selves, by names ingeniously compounded and feigned, suitable to
1 the nature of everything, he, in my opinion, founds a Poneropolis
(a City of the kicked), which will no less divert the readers,
than inflame their minds with a love of virtue". 101 To these
101. IJaudei Biblioth . Polit . Creriii ., ed.. 169T:, pg. 517. Quoted
in the Advertisement by the Editor, Hall's y/o rks ,
vol. XII, ed. 1839.
attacks on vioe in general are, however, added several assault s
upon specific persons or habits. The description of Ivronia
appears to have been intended as a picture of Germany since all
the names are in the language of that country. "Carousi-Kanikin
is a name, I understand not farther than what light I have of
it from the German tongue" .^^2 ^ n( j other examples of this nomen-
clature may be found on almost every page. The French are the
discoverers of Lloronia Variana, which R. S. translates as
Fooliana the Fickle. 103 The universities, 104 Paracelsus, 105 the
habit of smoking, 106 Catholicism, 107 the VJelsh, 108 and lawyers 109
also feel the lash of Hall's wit.
The change in the voyage imaprinaire as Kali wrote it is at
once apparent. First of all he departs from the precedent set
by I.Iore in his prefatory letters and in his ''meter of iiij verses"
in the Utopian tongue; for in the Preface to the ITundus Alter et
Idem he says that they who tell of real travels do a good work,
but that they who create the lands they travel in do a better; so
getting himself into the good ship Phantasy he sailed for two
years until Grapulia was sighted in the offing. But a meticulous
critic may find strangely at variance with this open discard of
102. The translation is R.S's., pg. 49. Hall's Latin, pg. 28,
reads: "Zouf f enberg, irrnoto mihi nomine, nisi quod sonum
Germanicum". Other examples are "Burgoraagistorum" (26),
"P pro B, F pro V, more Germanico male pronunciato" (27),
"Spruchwall" (28), "Gesundheits" (30), "Auff zeichner" (31),
103. R. S., pg. 117; Hall, XII, pg. 52.
104. R. S., pp. 123 - 125; Hall, XII, pp. 55 - 57.
105. R. S., pg. 153; Hall, pg. 71.
106. R. S., pg. 162 ff; Hall, XII, pp. 75 - 77.
107. R. S., pg. 171; Hall, XII, pg. 82.
108. R. S., T3g. 182; Hall, XII, pg. 86.
109. R. S., pg. ; Hall, XII,
all effort to pain verisimili tude that passage which gives tho
exact location of the Mundus Alter et Idem, 110 as well as the
four naps 111 prefixed to each of the four books and depicting
the geographical features of the four principal provinces. He
may, too, be troubled by such passages as that concerning Moriana
VarianeH 2 or that about Gynia IJova.^ 13 But these latter two
are a part of the satire; and the maps have no more intention
of deceiving than did the Carte de Tendre of the French novelists;
and the statement of latitude and longitude is merely a chance
explanation in imitation of real travels. Hall makes no effort
to force the reader's belief.
Hall's originality is, however, more strikingly manifested
in another aspect of his work. At only one point does he ap-
pear actually to borrow material. "Prodigious men", he says,
"inhabit the province of Codicia; swine-bodied beings, whom
Ifansterus 11 ^ and I.landeville described" These people are to
be a combination of those wild men of Liandeville who have no
language but a grunt, and another who walk on all fours.
110. Hall, Works , ed. 1859, pg. 11.
111. Reproduced in Hall, Works , ed. 1839, vol. XII.
112. Hall, vol. XII, pg. 52 : "ouicquid arrogent sibi Portigallen-
ses in regionem disquisitionibus as longinquis perigrina-
tionibus; puto veteres Gallos meritissimo posse laudem
hanc, ut sibi propriam, vendicare : nam certe istic plurima
invenimus Gallorum vestigia; sive locorum nomina, sive
legum reliquas, vel denique numismatum spectes monumenta."
115. Same, pg. 39: "Gynia Nova, quam alii corrupta voce Guineam
appellant, ego vero Viraginiam, illic sita est, ubi
geographi Europaei Psittacorum Terram depingunt."
114. Minister, Sebastian, (189 - 1552) Cosmogrraphia Universalis ,
115. Hall, Works , vol. XII, ed. 1839, "Godiciensum Provinciam
prodigiosi homines incolunt ; quos, norcina facie, Munsterus
ac I.Iandevillanus depinxerunt . "
116. Mandeville, Travels , ch. 19 and 27.
Otherwise there appear to he no appropriati oris of matter fron
the Travels . Professor Uphan- 1 - 17 thinks that Raholais furnished
Hall with certain materials; but the parallels which ho cites
are not very exact, and are sometimes even strained. A more
reasonable suggestion on Professor Upham's part, however, is
that Hall pot his satirical tone from tho great French author;
but while it is true that the style and the manner of Hall's
book often remind one of those of Rabelais', it must at the same
time be renembered that the latter did not write a voyage irnagin -
aire » Lucian would appear to be the most lively source from
which Hall could have borrowed; but the Verae His toriae is a
literary, not a moral, satire, and the adventures in the two
books are in no cases similar. The contrast between the ITundus
Alter et Idem and the Utopia is equally marked. More presented
ideal conditions in contrast with the abuses of his time; Hall
applied gross exaggeration to contemporary customs in order to
show their folly. Basically, of course, their aims are the
same the correction of evils, although More's satire is
political and Hall's moral. It is the difference in method
which is important. In 1607, for the first time, unless Camdens
in his L' Isle E nchantee employed the same device, the voyage
Inaginaire has been turned to the purposes of social satire; and
it is worthy of note that when in the eighteenth century the type
117. Upham, A. H. , French Influence in English Literature , pp.
246 - 247.
118. Canon Perry says in his article on Hall in the Dictionary
of national Biography : "This strange composition, some-
times erroneously described as a 'political romance', to
which it bears no resemblance whatever, is a moral satire
in prose, with a strong undercurrent of gibes at the
Romish Church and its eccentricities".
re assumes this purpose, its method ie not essentially difforent
from that iised by Hall in his I.Tundus Alter et Idem.
An author far different from the full-fed English Bishop
of the Ilundus Alter et Idem is the Italian monk, Tomnaso Campan-
ella, whose character in some respects presents a strange con-
tradiction. Reared and educated in the fold of the Roman Church,
a member of a clerical order, ho was, as one would suspect, an
enthusiastic supporter of the Papal authority in temporal as
well as in spiritual matters. To him the hierarchical government
of the Vatican was an ideal; in contrast with it no other form
had any advantage to offer. Yet curiously enough this orthodox
Catholic appears as an equally ardent disciple of the new
platonism of Renaissance Italy and as a vigorous opponent of the
Aristot elf anism which for centuries had held the minds of men
in thrall. Campanella was, moreover, a firm believer in the
virtues of experimental science, and gave every encouragement
to the movement away from the barrenness of deductive philosophy.
How he reconciled his religious orthodoxy and his intellectual
heresy can, perhaps, never be known for he seems not to have
waged an open warfare in favor of his position as a whole; per-
haps, also, he recognized, as he suggested at the end of the
Civitas Solis , that what he regarded as the true part needed to
be purged of its abuses and contradictions. His heretical
opinions were sufficient to caiise his imprisonment at Naples
where during his incarceration he gave expression to his views
in the dialog known as the Civitas Solis .
Although the book was composed in 1614, J " J "*' it was not
published until 1620. " A new edition was issued in 1623; and
in 1643 and again in 1680 it was reprinted and bound with Hall's
Mundus Alter et I den and Bacon's New A tlantis , Further than
this the work does not seem to have been widely popular; ad-
ditional reprints are hard to find, and no English translation
was made previous to that of Halliday for Ilorley's Ideal C ommon -
wealths (lSGS). 1 ^ The reasons for this neglect are not far
to seek. The Civitas Solis is not an interesting story; it has
none of the feignin?? which makes the Utopia , for instance, at-
tractive. There is no introductory conversation such as More
used to give an insight into Hythloday's character and to whet
the reader's curiosity; the dialog instead plunges directly
into the discussion and omits any and all narrative and de-
scriptive detail which might give life and interest to the story.
Furthermore, while the Civitas Solis , like Plato's Republic
and More's Utopia , is in dialog form, the conversation is much
less one-sided than it is in the latter and much less dramatic
than it is in either. " In fact, the Grand Ilaster, who acts
as interlocutor, seems to exist for no other purpose than to ask
119. The title of Biderman's Utopia (written 1602, published
1640) is misleading; for the book is not a description of
an ideal state, but a handbook of eloquence, containing
a series of moral tales, jocose fables, and adventures.
120. Prys says Andrae knew the Civitas Solis in manuscript be-
fore 1619. See Held, Felix, Andreae 's Christ ianopolis ,
121. Morley, Ideal Comm onw ealths , pg. 8.
122. The Givitas Solis ' begins : G.M. 'Prithee, now, tell me what
to you happened during that voyage?' G-. C. 'I have already
told you how I wandered over the whole earth.'
123. It should be borne in mind that the conversation was sup-
posedly heard in Antwerp and written down after IJore's
return to England.
obviously leading questions; and the remarks of the Cenoepe
Captain are always direct replies to these. 1 *^ 4 The result is
a stiff formality, much different from the intimate tone of
Hythloday's gossipy talk. Finally, general interest no longer
attaches to the problem of the temporal power of the Vatican.
Even by 16 20 the doctrine had fallen upon evil and doubting
times, especially in England where the hierachical government
proposed by Campanella in his imaginary state worked, beyond
doubt, against the popularity of the Civitas Solis .
The description of the Civitas Solis is given to a Grand
Master of the Knights Hospitallers by a Sea Captain, who says
that, having reached Taprobane, he was compelled to go ashore.
After he had landed and emerged from a wood, he was led up into
the City of the Sun, a place inhabited by Hindus who fled from
the persecution of the Magi. It is divided into seven con-
centric circles, each defended by a wall so built as to render
the capture of the successive fortifications progressively
difficult. These walls, however, serve also a useful purnose.
Both faces of them are adorned with paintings of various natural
and artificial objects, by m^ans of which the youth of the City
are instructed. On the exterior of the outer wall is a huce
map of the world, with tablets inserted bearing descriptions of
the various countries; the interior face is covered with geo-
metric figures. The next has painted on its outward surface
drawings of rivers, lakes, and seas, also representations of
meteorological phenomena, and pictures of such products as oil
124. See Note 122, this chapter.
and wine, sample s of which stand in pots near by; the inner
has upon it paintings of precious stones. The third wall pre-
sents respectively on its exterior and interior faces aquatic
and vegetable life, the latter being supplemented by growing
plants placed in tubs along the base of the wall. The fourth
has on one face pictures of insects, and on the other of
birds, life-size. Both surfaces of the fifth are given over
to representations of the fauna of the Earth. The sixth wall
has on its outer face diagrams of mechanical devices, and on
the inner protraits of 'all the inventors in science, in warfare,
and in law". Each of the circles after the first is fitted up
with palaces richly adorned and well lighted in which the in-
habitants of the City live. There are no doors on the convex
faces of the ground floors, probably as a protective measure in
case of war; but along the inner faces arcades form agreeable
and protected walks.
The head ruler of Givitas Solis is Hoh ( I.letaphysic ) , who
is assisted by a triumvirate composed of Pon (Power), Sin
(7/isdom), and Mor (Love). tJ Of these Pon has jurisdiction
over all things pertaining to war and peace; Sin over the arts
and sciences; and Mor over the regulation of eugenic marriages
which are arranged according to the strictest principles of
selective breeding. This latter officer is assisted by a large
corps of male and female magistrates. 127 The basis of the
125. The irrelevant information is here given that the City
possesses the only living Phoenix (Morley, pg. 223), a
natural state of affairs if they had any Phoenix.
126. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 221.
127. Same, pg. 236.
government is communism, all things being hold in "such a
manner that no one can appropriate anything to himself". This
abolition of private ownership is, however, now given a new
explanation. With More and Plato communism appears to have had
no other object than the proper satisfaction of the material
needs of all the citizens. 7,'ith Camnanella the tmrnose is
the destruction of self-love so that only a love of the state
will remain. A materialistic end now becomes a uatriotic
motive, but the devotion is to a heirarchical despotism in its
sternest form. The communal lives which the inhabitants lead
are, also, rather bestial, reminding one rather of the
Republic than of the Utopia. The dining halls are managed much
like those of More, except that "as in the refectories of monks,
there is no noise". ^9 & s with Plato and Kore, the citizens
condemn gold and silver ; mothers suckle their own children ;
and complete equality exists between the men and the women so
that they engage in the same tasks, wear similar garments, ^ 2
and go into battle together. All work is honorable, although
the cultivation of the arts and sciences is considered nobler
than the execution of physical labor. Commerce is confined
to slave trade with foreigners at the gates of the City, the
slaves sold being those captives of war whom they themselves
1E8. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 231 and 236 for details.
129. Same, pg. 232.
130. Same, pg. 235.
131. Same, pg. 234.
132. More distinguishes between the dress of the men and women.
In both the Utopia and the Civitas Solis boys and girls
under the marriageable age wait at table •
133. See Morley, pp. 231 - 232 for ordering of the arts. In
general the lighter and sedentary tasks fall to the lot of
the women; the heavier and more active labor to that of the
cannot use. Another and noblertraf f ic iR that in ^oods of the
mind, for they send many of their students abroad each year to
become acquainted with the languages and culture of other
countries. Their battle tactics remind one of those practiced
by the Utopians; for they, too, pretend to flight, thus drawing:
the enemy into a disorderly pursuit so that he may more easily
be routed. Unlike Here's people, however, they have many
foreign alliances, and have, also, developed destructive agencies
to a marked decree. Other sciences have been likewise
perfected; they can, for instance, renovate life after the
seventieth year, and so commonly live to be one hundred and
often two hundred years old.
Their moral theory and practice are idealistic. The
crimes and vices common to European countries are not found among
them; and they execute no prisoners unless these can be brought
to a reasoned com'iction of the justness of the sentence. In
religion they believe in immortality, and "say the short prayer
which Jesus Christ taught us". "They worship God in Trinity,
saying God is supreme Power, whence proceeds the highest 7/isdom,
which is the same with God, and from these comes Love, which is
both Power and wisdom; but they do not distinguish persons by
name, as in our Christian lav/, which has not been revealed to
them".^-^ In philosophy they assert two physical principles :
"that the Sun is the father, and the Earth the mother". Men are
134. Llorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 250.
135. Same, pg. 249 - 250, gives other examples.
136. Same, pg. 251.
137. Same, pg. 263. How, then, do they come to know the Lord T s
of God, and not of, but in tho universe, as, to uso Campanella ' s
metaphor, "worms livo within us". In metaphysics that Being
is the source of all pood, Non-Being of all evil and sin;
and they "disbelieve in Aristotle, whom they consider a logician
and not a philosopher". 140 This philosophic relip-ion presents
a strange compound, which, as Campanella explains it, is not
altogether clear; but -perhaps as he says; "This religion, when
its abuses have been removed, will be the future mistress of the
world, as prreat theologians teach and hope".
In the composition of this work Campanella, like the
other writers of Utopias, made free use of those ideal states
which had preceded his. More's Utopia was issued by the Juntine
Press at Venice in 1519, and may very well have been known as
is suggested by the several parallels pointed out above, although
there are, on the other hand, equally marked differences, as
for instance, the attitudes of th<-» two nations toward sport and
hunting. The Platonic element in the book is, however, open
to no such doubt. As I have indicated, the dialog form is
closely followed. There are, moreover, clear references to the
Greek writer. Speaking of the allotment of wives, Campanella
says: "Plato thinks this distribution ou^-ht to be made by lot".
Again he writes*. "They agree with Plato, in whom I have read
these same things". And while the author of the Republic is
not mentioned in the following* passage, the source of the in-
138. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 262.
139. Same, pp. 262 - 263.
140. Same, pg. 261.
141. Same, -pg. 263.
142. ^ Same, pg. 236. Campanella then disagrees with Plato
143. ' Same, pg. 239.
epiration is unmistakable: "No one can exercise the function
of a poet who invents that which is not true". Camnanella
was, moreover, a follower of the new learning and a foe of
scholastic Aris toteleanisrn. Finally one may ask if the arranpe-
ment of Stiblin's city may not possibly suggested that of
Canpanolla 1 s . However that may be it is safe to conclude that
some of the details in the Givitas Solis Gampanella borrowed
directly from More and others from Plato.
Campanella should not, on the other hand, be considered
entirely unoriginal . The Givitas Solis is, as von I.Iohl pointed
out, the first description of an hierarchical Utopia ; and
as such it is an exposition of the author's personal views. For
Campanella, despite his heterodox philosophy, v/as a strictly
orthodox Catholic, a most ardent champion of the temporal power
of the Pope, and a firm believer in the superiority of the
ecclesiastical to the civil jurisdiction. For him relipion was
an inherent part of existence. In philosophy he held that the
triune of Power, .Vill, and Knowledge constituted the content
of consciousness; he also attacked Aristoteleanism, and supported
the claims of experimental investigation in natural science.
All these beliefs find expression in the Givitas Solis . Che
government of the City is a form of absolutism in which Hoh,
the chief magistrate, represents the highest temporal and
spiritual authority ; 145 an ^ yi±8 subordinate officers (Pon, Sin,
and Llor) , are not free agents, but his servants who only do his
! 144. Von Mohl, G-eschichte und Literatur dc StaatsTrissenschaften ,
pg. 85; and Voigt, Soziale Utopien , pp. 65 - 74.
145. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths, pg. 220 - 221.
will and never trespass upon each other's fields of authority.^" 46
The religious affiliations of Campanella are also shown by
tho provision for silenoe at meals. The education of the youth
by the observation of pictures on the wall and the marked ad-
vances made in science are, likewise, obvious reflection? of
Canpanella 1 s philosophical and scientific beliefs. The Civitas
Solis , like ITore's Utopia , is , therefore, primarily a product
of its author's own mind and is an evolution of his own inner
The year 1619 saw appear at Strassburg the Heipublicae
Christianopolis Descript io , commonly caller! the Christ ianopo lis ,
by Johann Valentine Andreae, a Swabian schoolmaster and preacher.
It tells the story of an unnamed hero, who discouraged by the
evil in the world, launched himself upon the Academic Sea "and
ascending the good ship Phantasy " sailed away in the desire to
find knowledge. His voyage was calm until "adverse storms of
envy and calumny stirred up the Ethiopian Sea". 4:0 In the
storm the ship was wrecked, very few surviving, the author
"alone without a single companion (being) at length driven to
a very minute islet, a mere piece of turf, as it seemed".
146. Llorley, pg. £21, "Three princes of equal power
147. The question of whether or not the Civitas Solis was
written as a constitution for Naples depends upon the
connection of Campanella with the revolution of 1599.
But with scholars this is "much vexed question", and no
answer has ever been given. For the explanation of Cam-
panella T s philosophy see the articles on Campanella in
the Encyclop e dia Britannica , eleventh edition, and A.
Colenda, Fra Tommaso Campanella e la sua dottrina sociale
e_ polit ica di fronte al socialismo moderno , 1895."
148. Held, Felix, Andrea ' s " Christ ianapolis " , translation with
an introduction, 1914" ch . I .
149. Held, pg. 145. Ch. II-
This place was called, as he afterward loarnod, Caphar Calama,
and lay "in the Antarctic zone, 10° of the south pole, 20° of
the equinoctial circlo, and 12° under the point of the bull".^"^
While he was drying his undershirt, he was discovered "by an
inhabitant of the place and led into the city, which was founded
by Religion, an outcast. There the hero was examined as to
his person, morals, and culture; and the obvious comparisons
with European society are drawn, for no "beggars, quacks, stage-
players who have too much leisure, busybodies who worry un-
necessarily in the details. of unusual affairs, fanatics who
however have no feeling of piety, drug-mixers who ruin the
science of chemistry, impostors who falsely call themselves
brothers of the Rosicrucians , and other like blemishes of
literature and true culture"^ 3 may enter into the community.
w r ith chapter VII begins the description of the city
itself. In the center is a circular temple, and around this
is a series of four buildings ranged in concentric squares.
The whole is protected by a great v/all and a wide moat well
stocked with fish. 1 ^ 6 Within these walls* are carried on all the
trades necessary for the maintenance of the population. The
streets which separates the dwelling houses is twenty feet widel57
150. Held, Felix, Andrea 1 f " Christ innoplis " , translation with an
introduction^ 1914, Oh. II. Compare Hall, Mundus Alter
et Idem , 7/orks , vol. XII, pg. 9.
151. Ch. ITTT"
152. Ch. IV, V, VI.
153. Ch. IV.
154. For detailed description of the temple see Ch. LXXXII.
155. Compare the general arrangement of the Christianopolis with
with that of the Civitas Solis and the Eudaemonensium
156. Ch. VII. Compare Amaurote and Artocreopolis .
157. Ch. XII. Compare the Utopia .
and is bordered by sheltered promenades .1^0
?he government of this model city is a rather vague and
incomprehensible affair. The "central part of the city" is
ruled by eight primary officials and eight subordinate ones,
whose duty it is to admonish the citizens rather than punish
then. 1 ^ In addition to these a triumvirate, each of whom is
a wise and prudent man, governs the nation. Sometimes they
consult together on questions of national safety, but usually
each triumvir deliberates with his own senate. Lawsuits are
settled by the tribunes; and thus the three officials can devote
their whole tine to "questions of the truth of the Christian
religion, the cultivation of virtues, the methods of irnrovinp
the mind; also the need of treaties, war, nepot iati ons , build-
ings, and supplies". 1 ^ To these rulers are added twenty-four
councilmen chosen for their piety, honesty, and experience,
whose chief business seems to be a correction of the present by
an observation of the past."^" 1 " Just how these three groups
keep from conflicting in the exercise of their duties is not
made clear, nor is it pointed out what machinery is provided for
putting their decrees into execution. In this vagueness, it
may here be remarked, lies the great weakness of the Christian-
opolis the author being interested in pious reflections on
the evil of contemporary Europe, does not stick to his subject
long enough for a clear development of it.
158. Compare the Civitas Solis .
[ 159. Ch. XXI. Compare the duties of the Priests in Utopia.
! 160. Ch. XXVII.
I 161. Ch. XCIII.
The pietistic character of the author's state is further
illustrated by his code of lav/s:
"I. fa strive with all our strength to submit ourselves
in all reverence and adoration to God, the one Founder
and Ruler of the human race, and to prefer nothing in
heaven or on earth to Him; to refer our life and all
our actions to His srlory and to succeed with his aid.
II. Wq strive never to provoke the holy name of God
with any form of blasphemy, never to alienate it by
grumbling, dishonor it by frivolity, neglect it on ac-
count of laziness; and we strive to regard reverently
the most holy mysteries of our salvation.
III. 7/e strive to have leisure ever for our God, to
rest from the confusions of the cravings of the flesh,
to provide a quiet shrine for the Trinity, a pure dwell-
ing place for our neighbor, breathing space for all
creatures, to devote our time only to the divine Word.
IV. we strive to preserve and practice love of parents,
respect to our superiors, propriety to our equals,
modesty toward those that have been trusted, labor for
the republic, a good example to posterity, and to perform
the duties of Christian love with mutual kindnesses.
V. We strive to bridle our wrath, to restrain our im-
patience, to value human blood, to forget revenge, to
abhor jealousy, and carefully to imitate the very gentle
heart of Jesus Christ.
VI. We strive to shield the innocence of youth, the
virginity of maidens, the purity of matrimony, the un-
polluted restraint of widowhood, and to overcome luxury
and intoxication with the temperance and fasting of the
VII. 77 e strive to enjoy the goods entrusted to us by
God, as diligently as possible, peacefully, properly,
and with giving of thanks; to exercise the duties of ac-
quisition and distribution as justly as possible, of
employment modestly and of conversation safely.
VIII. 7/e strive to propoxate the light of truth, the
purity of conscience, the integrity of bearing testimony,
freely and correctly, to reverence the presence of God
at every time and every olace, to protect the innocent
and to convict the guilty.
IX. V/e strive to disturb nothing of another, nor to con-
found divine with human things, to submit to our lot, to
inhabit our dwellings peacefully, and to despise the so-
journing place of the whole world.
X. Y7e strive so to establish our intercourse that each
one's property be given and preserved to him, and that no
one would rather covet the affairs of another man than to
put his own in order and devote them to the glory of
God and the public safety".
162. Ch. XXIX.
[All analysis of these laws will reveal that they are in substance
the Ten Commandment s of Moses, with the exception that the second
commandment is omitted as being unnecessary and Law VII is sub-
st 1 tuted.
Since Christianopolis is, of course, a communistic state,
some provision had to be made for the execution of the necessary
labor. To this end all male citizens are required to do some
sort of necessary work; and all the paupers and beggars who
enter the country must, if they are physically able, also apply
themselves to whatever labor may be assigned to them. Foreigners
who come to visit the country are, nevertheless, entertained at
public expense; and exiles are graciously received; but all
strangers must undergo, in addition to the examination mentioned
previously, a sanitary inspection, which, however, is no
hardship since even the citizens themselves exercise full pre-
cautions in this regard. In spite of this forced labor, life
is not burdensome because, as in Utopia, the working hours are
thereby reduced and an adequate leisure is afforded. Further-
more, excessive exertion would gain the individual no benefit
since all the furniture and houses are state owned and a man
must move if so directed. ^® Food, also, is publicly distributed,
an allowance of four dishes being made to a meal. Each family,
however, eats at home; if there are guests they bring their own
163. This fact escaped Dr. Held's notice.
164. Gh. XXII. Compare More and Campanella.
165. Ch. XCVII.
166. Ch. X, LIII, XCV.
167. Ch. XI.
168. Ch. XXIII. Compare the Utopia .
portions with them. The apred and the Pick are cared for at
public expense, the nursing in most cases being done by married
women or widows. I.larriage, which is prohibited before
twenty-four with men and eighteen with women, is permitted
only after parental consent has been pained. Widows and
widowers may re-marry after the lapse of a year; during this
period a woman returns to her family, a man eats with the
neighbors. Similar as it is to the preceding Utopias in regard
to most of these details, the Christ ianopolis is markedly unlike
them in another. Plato, More, and Campanella all provided for
the equality of women; Andreae with Teutonic and Christian con-
tempt relegates them to the sphere of the home, and allows them
no public occupation except that of school-teaching. 172 Child-
bearing is their crowning glory.
Education in Christ ianopolis is carried on in a college
especially designed for this purpose. Outside its walls grow
useful plants, while within the shrubs and flowers are planted so
as to form different colored bands corresponding to the zones of
heaven. Sex is an indifferent matter in the choice of teachers;
dignity, energy, integrity, and generosity are the virtues sought;
and instructors must, if they would retain their positions, show
that they have imparted these qualities to the young. The
students are divided into three vaguely defined classes: the
169. Ch. XV.
170. Ch. XCVI and XCVIII: compare More* 8 hospitals.
171. Ch. LXXXVIII.
172. Ch. LXXXIX.
173. Ch. XC.
174. Ch. XCIV.
children, the youths, and the nature minds. 17 *' Three prinoiplei
are the basis of al l' education -- worship, morality, wisdom. 176
The instruction is carried on in part "by pictures and in part
by mechanical aids;-*- 77 but unfortunately Andreae does not de-
scribe these "short cuts in memorising". The collefe itself
is divided into ten departments, each of which gives instruction
in certain specified subjects. The first leaches grammar, in-
cluding Hebrew, Greek, and Latin; oratory with emphasis on
naturalness; and languages, ancient and modern, to the end that
they may be spoken. 179 The second gives instruction in lo<?ic
as related to the truth; metaphysics as it is concerned with the
true, the good, the beautiful, the unified, and the orderly;
and theosophy, which begins where human knowledge fails. -^0 The
third offers for consideration arithmetic, geometry, and mystic
numbers. Music, as represented in the vocal, the instrumental,
and the choral, is studied in the fourth department; astronomy
and astrology in the fifth. In the sixth the student pursues
natural science, true national history, and church history.
The seventh offers a course in ethics as a guide to conduct, in
government, and in Christian poverty. In the eighth theology
175. Ch. LIII. Punils begin attending at the ape of six.
176. Gh. LIV.
17 7. Gh. XLVIII; compare the Givitas Solis .
178. Ch. L.
179. Gh. LV - LVII.
180. Ch. LVII I - LX.
181. Gh. LXI - LXIII.
182. Ch. LXIV - LXVI.
183. Ch. LXVI I - LXVIII.
184. Ch. LXX - LXXII.
185. Ch. LXXII I - LXXV. Students of Christian poverty "prefer
simplicity to intelligence, ignorance to knowledge, silence
to eloquence, humility to dignity, credulity to shrewdness,
want to abundance, studying to teaching, bearing to doing;
and whatsoever things are considered lowly on earth, pro-
vided they are harmless, these they desire".
■ ■ 113
and theological practice are studied, as well as the methods of
examining and testing prophecy. 186 3ecular branches are taught in
the ninth and tenth departments, the first of which is devoted to
the study of medicine, and the second to that of jurisprudence*
The latter study, however, becomes merely a commentation on the
Roman Code since there is no law in Christ ianopolis and the lawyers
serve only as scribes.
The important part of the Christ ianopolis, however, is the
description of the religious life of the community; for Andreae,
despite Dr. Held's resentment of the term "pietist", 189 was a very
religious man, and his system of education is almost wholly de-
signed for the inculcation of Christian morals. The very atmos-
phere of his city is charged with goodness. "All haughtiness and
pride are banished from his place", he writes. "Gluttony and
drunkeness are entirely unknown", he says elsewhere. 191 But that
no moral corruption may intrude into the lives of the people all
associations between youths and mature persons are constantly
watched, presumably that Sodomistic practices may not thrive -
Morality as represented by formal religion is founded upon
a code similar to the one already cited as the basis for the civil
law. It reads as follows:
"I. We believe with our whole heart in one Triume God,
very good, very wise, great and everlasting: the Father,
186. Ch. LXXVI - LXXVI II. Theology is divided into five branches:
study of Biblical language, imitation of it, apologetics,
religious discourse, and method of adjusting religious
dif fe rences .
187. Ch. LXXIX.
188. Ch. LXXX.
189. Held, Introduction , pg. 15.
190. Ch. VI"
191. Ch. IX.
192. Ch. XXVI II.
who created the world out of nothing, preserves, moves,
and directs the same, whose ministers are pood anpels,
apainst whom the condemned Satan is rebellious, whose
doli-Tht is man, once the divine imare and nrince of the
world, to whom sin is hateful, whose interpreter of all
wisdom and summary of all uprightness is the scriptures,
and whose love, through the piving of His Son, is most
open and kind .
II. ',7e believe with a whole heart in Jesus Christ, the
Son of God and Mary, co-equal with the Father yet like
us, our Redeemer, united as to personality in two natures
and communicating in both, our Prophet, Kinp, and Priest,
whose law is prace, whose scepter is that of peace,
whose sacrifice, that of the cross.
III. .7e believe in the same regeneration of the Spirit,
the admission of sin, even the brotherhood of our flesh
with Him and in Him, and the restorinp to dipnity, lost
by the fall of Adam.
IV. We believe that by His life, sufferinp, and death
He has piven satisfaction to the justice of God, that
mercy has been merited, the same has been brought to us
through the Gospels, given over to our faith, intrusted
to the purity of life, and that thence the dominion of
sin v/as crucified, destroyed, and buried.
V. V/e believe that the kingdom of hell and the poison
of death has been destroyed, and that in the victory of
the resurrect ion, security has been restored to us under
the care of God.
VI. i'/e believe the kingdom of Christ is infinite and
eternal, where He is present to His Church at the right
hand of the ^ather Omnipotent, Omnipresent, and that he
feeds, keeps, and quickens her spiritually with his
V/ord, even as He does literally with flesh and blood.
VII. 7;e believe His supreme judgment, which he shall
pronounce upon men, rood and evil, with highest majesty,
and shall distinguish the just from the unjust most
VTTI. We believe with our whole heart in the Holy Spirit,
our Comforter and Teacher, by whom v/e are sanctioned, en-
livened, and equipped, after we go to freedom to doinr
good, by whom we are made wise beyond nature, armed
against nature, and put at peace with her; by whom we
grow warm, are united and divided into laneruages; by
whom we see and hear the past, present, and future
properly correlated; by whom we look into the V. r ord of
X. We believe in a holy, universal church, purified
n'the water of baptism from infancy, and fed by the
communion of the eucharist, thus guarded with the seal?
of the new covenant, taught in the ministry of the '"ord,
disciplined with the cross, ready to serve in prayers,
active in charity, generous in communion, powerful in
excommunication, which thourh distributed over the earth,
the unity of faith joins, the diversity of gifts
strengthens, Christ, the Bridegroom and Head, renders
invincible, and which the standing of the different
classes and the purity of marriage embellish.
X. We believe in the free forgiveness of all sins through
the ministry of the Word, and in the obligation of our
gratitude and obedience on account of this.
XI. We believe in the general resurrection of the human
flesh, so much desired by the faithful that on account of
it the- particularly love a natural death; so formidable
to the wicked that on account of it they consider the
natural life to be accursed.
XII. We believe in an eternal life by which we shall
obtain perfect light, ability, quiet, plenty, knowledge,
and joy; by which also the malice of Satan, the impurity
of the world, the corruption of men shall be checked;
by which it shall be well with the #ood, and evil with
evil-doers, and the visible glory of the Holy Trinity
Bhall be ours forever."
Religious meetings are held every Sunday at which the
Presbyter explains some portion of the Scriptures, and every
Ve Inesday v/hen the Diaconus, or assistant, interprets the
principles of religion. The services are simple, and unseemly
conduct or sleeping during them is considered a sin. 193 The
Lutheran hymns are preferred, although any others may be used.^ 9 ^
In addition to these semi -weekly gatherings, public prayer
is made thrice each day, attendance at which is compulsory upon
all, even the babies, unless exceptional business demands inter-
fere. Leisure time, also, is not infrequently employed in
193. Gh. LXXXIV.
194. Gh. LXXXV.
195. Gh. XIV.
religious meditation, affliction of the flesh, or charitable
vi."tation. 196 Only two sacraments are celebrated communion
and baptism; 157 the latter of these is administered at birth
unless the child is ill, but even if it dies unbaptized, the
blood of Christ has power to atone for its guilt. 199 Confession
may be made to anyone of the devout. 198 '.Fhile the religion of
the Christianopolis is r>rotestant, an excommunication as terrible
as that of the Catholic Church lights upon the wicked who there-
upon "suffer the wrath of Cod, ban of the church, disgust of
the state, and the abhorrence of every good man". 200 Should the
sinner persist in his evil ways, banishment is his doom. The
good die firm in their faith in God, confiding their last
wishes to a friend. The dead are clad in white robes and
buried amid the joyous singinp- of psalms. There is no mourning;
and no epitaph is graven on the iron cross which marks the
resting place; but if a man has been especially worthy, his
name is entered upon the state records; otherwise his only
monument is in the memory of man.
For this book Dr. Felix Held claims complete originality
and extended influence. The second of these can best be
196. Ch. XVII.
197. Ch. LXXXVI. "The sacraments are administered as instituted
by Christ and according to the rites of the early church;
freiuently, because of their value; reverently, on ac-
count of their hie-h dignity; elaborately, because they are
observed by the devout."
198. Ch. XC.
199. Ch. LXXXVI I. cf. More 'a Utopia .
200. Ch. LXXXVI I. Compare the Utopia .
201. Ch. XCIX. Since there is no private property, there are,
of course, no wills.
2C2. Ch. C. Compare belief of Utopians.
203. Held, Introduction , pg. 15: It is the purpose of this in-
vestigation to prove 1) That the Christianopolis is not
a copy or direct imitation of earlier Utopias, but an
discussed in connection with works to be considered later. Here
it may, however, be pointed out that while More's Utopia , Camp-
anella's Givitas Solis , Bacon's Hew Atlantis , and Hall's Ivlundus
Alter et Idem were undergoing successive reprints, the Christian -
opolis appears not to have been reissued, and was, moreover,
not translated into the author's native German until over one
hundred years after its first edition. And no English version
is known before Dr. Held's own in 1914. In further support
of these facts I quote Dr. Held himself: "The immediate effect
of the Christianopolis in Germany as not so great as might have
been expected; it did not become the pattern for other works of
a similar nature, nor was its publication received with startling
enthusiasm". Yet we are asked to believe that to such a book
by a man "with only local reputation" 20 ^ England owes Bacon's
New Atlantis . Gott's Nova Solyma , and in a large measure the
The distinctive originality of Andreae's work may
also be seriously questioned. Dr. Held after examining the
critical opinion on the subject concludes speciously: "It is
hardly reasonable that the Descriptio should be an exact copy
independent and original production. 2) That a close
comparison of the Ohristianopolis with Bacon's l.e -
Atlantis shows some striking similarities in form an<^
content; and that external circumstances, also, make
a knowledge of the Christianopolis on the part of Bacon
extremely probable. Z] That Nova Solyma , a Utopia ap-
pearing anonymously in 1648, attributed (1902) by the
Rev. Walter Begley to John Milton, but since shown to be
the work of Samuel Gott, shows direct influence of the
Christianopolis . And 4) that the principles of a college
reformation in education and the plan of a "college" as
outlined in the Christianopolis and other works of
Andreae, were an important factor through J. A. Comenius,
Samuel Hartlib, John Dury, and their associates, in the
««, founding of the Royal Society of London".
204. Held, Introduction, pg. 75. *
of both More and Campanella, especially as the productions of
these two differ in many respects from each other", 205 This
is a sweeping and unjustified statement, for the Utopia and the
Civitas Solis do have basic points in common. Both More and
Campanella aim, like Plato, to create ideal commonwealths having
no actual existence; both, like Plato again, find the ideal in
a strongly centralized government; both, like Plato still, make
Wkto end- of that government the welfare of the individual citizen;
and both, like Plato once more, see in communism of property
and the just allottment of labor the means to the desired end.
These al so » are elements in "the Christianopolis . Even Andreae f s
great variation from these of his predecessors is not dissimilar
to the changes they themselves made when they borrowed. Plato,
a philosopher, emphasized the soul-life; More, a politician,
government; Campanella, an orthodox catholic, hierarchical govern-
ment; and Andreae, a schoolmaster and preacher, education and
religion. Seventy years before Andreae f s birth an Englishman
had recognized in the Utopia a medium for expressing doctrinaire
Tiews; and five years before Andreae wrote his Christianopolis
an Italian had done the same. Basically Andreae 1 s book is
an imitation of More f s and Campanella^, and through them the
genealogy may be traced back to Plato, whom Dr. Held complacently
ignores. 206 For proof of More's failue to influence Andreae
there are cited: the difference in the shape of the islands, in
205. Held, Introduction , pg. 20.
206. Andreae certainly must have known Plato, for he makes pro-
vision for the teaching of Greek in the Christianopolis
(ch. LVII) and was interested in the humanistic movement
(See Held, Introduction , ch. I).
in the dimensions of them, in the number of cities, in the form
of government, in the manner of eating, in the attitude toward
slavery, in the disposal of the dead, and in the ethical stand-
ards. 207 I have, on the other hand, pointed out in my notes,
eight resemblances in detail between More and Andreae, and four
between Campanella and Andreae. Moreover, in having only one city
Andreae is imitating Campanella so that the number of independent
details cited by Dr. Held is reduced to seven. And no great
ingenuity is required to change dimensions. Furthermore, the
shape of Andreae T s island is not original with him; Hall says
that "Pamphagonia is triangular in shape, like the letter delta".
If Dr. Held had known, or not ignored the Mundus Alter et,
he would also have learned that both Hall and Andreae sailed
in the "good ship Phantasy " . that both went to the "Mare Ethiopi-
cum", and that Ghristianopolis and the Mundus are adjacent coun-
tries. If, furthermore, Dr. Held had examined Mr. Begley's
edition of the Nova Solyma more carefully he would have found
that Caspar Stiblin anticipated Andreae by just sixty-four years
in the description of an ideal state with an evangelical religion
and a strict code of morality. 2 ^ These citations may not prove
£07. Held, Introduction , pg. 20. "The ethical standards through-
out hardly admit of comparison". This is a siiperficial
conclusion. Adultery does not exist in Utopia. But if
the inhabitants of Christianopolis are so perfectly good,
why are the associations of youths and maturer persons so
carefully supervised, why is their provision for excom-
munication? Personally, I should much rather dwell in
Utopia with all its adulterers than in Christianopolis
with its psalm-singing Puritans.
208. Mundus Alter et Idem . Bk. I, Ch. 2. "Pamphagonia triquetra
fare est, figura deltali".
209. He does not include it in the Bibliography , pp. 126 128.
210. Nova Solyma . ed. 1902, vol. II, pg. 565. 3tiblin T s book
was printed at Basle, 1555.
Andreae a borrower; but they do establish a strong probability
against that complete originality maintained for him by Dr. Held.
Dr. Hold's further disagreements with accepted critical
opinion are also open to doubt. His enthusiasm for things German
has, first of all, led him into an over-estimate of Andreae f s
literary qualities which, when looked at in an impartial
light, are seen to be nothing more than commonplace. Not only
is the governmental form of Christianopolis, as I have pointed
out, vaguely portrayed; but even the description of the edu-
cational system is so scant in its detail as to afford no clear,
exact, or practical notion of its workings. This same lack of
definiteness extends to almost all the details discussed so that
after reading the book one is forced to agree with von Mohl when
he says: Andreae 1 s "imagination was not vivid enough to embody
his conceptions in forms of living reality". ° In the second
place Dr. Held disregards the plain facts when he insinuates that
the Christianopolis is not in any way allegorical. How far
the allegory might be traced can only be said after an elaborate
and special study; but that it does exist none can deny. The
hero is not an embodied traveller as were Hythloday and the
Genoese Captain; he is a fugitive from sophistry, tyranny, and
hypocrisy 215 who finds refuge in a city built by Religion, her-
self an outcast. He sails in the ship Phantasy upon the
211. Held, Introduction , pg. 40.
212. See pg. , this chapter.
213. Von Mohl, vol. I, pg. 188: "Seine Einbildingskraf t war
nicht bildkr&ftig genug, urn seine Lehre in lebendinger
Gestalte zu verkBrpen".
214. Held, Introduction , pg. 25 ff.
215. Ch. I.
216. Ch. III.
Aoademio Sea, and is wrecked "by storms of envy and calumny"
in the "Mare Aethiopicum" , which Dr. Held inconsistently with his
theory interprets as "the Sea of Ignorance". 217 Within the city
the triumvirate is allegorical. The Presbyter is married to
Conscience; and the Judge, who is assisted by Measure, is wedded
to Understanding; while the Director of Learning has Truth to
wife. The decrees of this body are announced by a Chancellor who
bears the suggestive name of Tongue, and who is married to a
Puritanical lady called Moderation. Finally, Flattery is
made the author of secular history. " If this be not allegory,
there is no meaning in the term.
With this data before us we must conclude either that
Dr. Held has warped the evidence, or that he has ignored the
facts. The Ghristianopolis is not, as he claims, an entirely
original production. Its originality is of the kind exhibited
by More and Gampanella — the adaption of an old form to a new
purpose, and it may well be doubted whether Andreae was an in-
novator even in this respect since Stiblin's book appears to
contain the germ of all the Ghristianopolis. For every varia-
tion in detail, moreover, a similarity seems to exist as a counter
balance. The voyage imag-inaire had, also, been turned to satiric
purposes other than political some years before 1619. Finally,
the Ghristianopolis does bear incontrovertible marks of an
allegorical nature. The sweeping conclusions of Dr, Held, based
217. Gh. I. This term, however, seems to have been in general
use as desiynatin the ocean about the Cape of Good Hope.
Godwin and Hall so apply it.
218. Ch. XXX - XXXVIII inclusive.
219. Ch. XL I.
they are upon an obviously insufficient examination of the
case, must, then, be received with distrust, if not with sus-
Yet however unoriginal Andreae may appear when his
Christianopolis is viewed as a step in the historical develop-
ment of the voyage imaginaire , something must still be said in
his favor. The book is clearly an expression of those ideals
.which lay nearest his heart. Dr. Held has traced, with accuracy
I presume, the various activities in which at different times
this forgotten author, preacher, and schoolmaster was concerned,
and which, no doubt, are, in part at least, responsible for
some of the provisions in his Utopia, His own study in the field
of language — for he v/as an accomplished linguist, reading with
facility Hebrew, Greek, Latin, German, Italian, Spanish, French,
and English — doubtless suggested the remarks which he makes
on the teaching of those subjects. There can, furthermore, be
no question that his work at Calw, where as Dekan and Superintend-
lint he instituted educational reforms and founded a workingmen's
mutual protective association which still exists, was also
fruitful not only in specific suggestion but in inspiration as
well when he came to write his Christianopolis. 3o while one
cannot grant Dr. Held f s over-enthusiastic claims for the origin-
ality of the book, one must agree that again the utopia is an
outgrov/th of the author 1 s character and life, not mere theory
divorced from personal feeling and experience.
Par different from this idealistic German schoolmaster
was an intensely practical, yet far-seeing, English contemporary
jwho also embodied his dreams of intellectual achievement in a
L-deecription of an ideal state. Francis Bacon was as devoted to
the cause of empiric philosophy as Andreae was to that of re-
ligious and educational reform; and although environment and ed-
ucation forced him durinp: many years to give up his energies to
politics so that not until public disgrace overtoo^ as it pos-
sible for him to find the leisure requisite for expressing his
views in the II ew Atlantis , the record of this interest can be
traced from the very beginning of his career. In the Conference
Of Pleasure (1592) he says: "Shall we not discern as well the
riches of nature T s warehouse as the beauties of her shop?"
The same idea occurs in the Devices (1592 - 1595). The Gesta
Grayorum (1594) suggests a "definite plan of work": first, a
general library to contain all ancient and modern philosophical
treaties; second, a garden in which all sorts of plants shall
be cultivated in all kinds of soils, and which shall be sur-
rounded by a zoological pavilion and an aquarium housing all
manner of beasts, birds, and fish; third, a museum of mechanical
arts; and fourth, a chemical laboratory. His letter to Essex
in 1595, furthermore, expresses a desire to give himself up to
philosophical research rather than to legal study. And "the
only piece of autobiography in which he ever indulged" gives in
1603 additional testimony to Bacon 1 s interest in experimental
science. To the evidence furnished by these scattered statements
220. The material and quotations used in this paragraph are
taken from the Introduction to Mr, G. C. Moore Smith 1 s
edition of the New Atlantis , 1900, pp. xii - xvii. The
date of composition is 1623'; that of the first printed
edition was 1626 or 1627.
past be added that of such monumental works as tho Novum Organum
land the De Instauratio . Throughout his life Bacon's chief in-
tellectual desire was the establishment in actuality or just such
a college as that which he portrays in the pae-es of the New
ll further shown
Atlantis ; and his powerful imagination^in such a work as the
Advancement of Learning in which he conceives .all knowledge to
have been mastered.
The New Atlantis (1626) is the first Utopia to be
written in English, More having used the Latin tongue. Its pop-
ularity was immediate. Before the end of the century thirteen
reprints had been issued, and a French translation was made in
1636. As in the voyages imaginaires so far discussed the narra-
tion is in the first person, the tale being related by a traveller;
but unlike More and Campanella Bacon has no suggestion of dialog.
The manner of the telling is plain description as employed by
Godwin, Hall, and Andreae. There is, also, some suggestion of
later narrative method, especially in the opening passage which
tells of the storm. Otherwise, the book is, as far as method
is concerned, similar to other relations of imaginary states.
The story runs as follows. The ship, sailing from
Peru to China, was hampered by a head-wind, but a sudden shift in
the breeze carried it toward the north 221 where the provisions
I began to fail, when land was descried, and the course immediately
laid for it. With the dawn they entered the harbor on the shores
; of which stood the fair city of Bensalem; but no landing was
i permitted until it was ascertained that none of the crew had any
| 2£l^ More's Utopia and Bacon 1 s New Atlantis both lie in the South
Sea. See Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 55, 171 - 172,
and 177. The Introduction to Mr. G. C. Moore Smith's ed-
ition of the New Atlantis , 1900, is valuable. The collection
of Bacon's Works by Spedding, Ellis, and Heath, 7 vols.,
_1854 - 1859 is als.0 wfnl. -
y = iw
Hnfeotlous or contagions disease, that they were not pirates,
and that they had shed no human blood within forty days. Even
then they were kept in quarantine after coming on shore; for the
well, however, this detention lasted only three days, but after
the release they were not allowed to pass more than a mile and
a half beyond the city walls without a special permit. While
they were still under confinement, the priest (for the Atlanteans
are Christians) visited them. From him they learned that the
conversion of the island to the true faith was the result of a
miracle. Some twenty years after Christ 1 s ascension, according
to the legend, there was borne to the shores of lew Atlantis a
chest which contained the canonical books of the Old and Uew
Testaments together with a letter from 3t. Bartholomew. On the
following day this same person told them how it happened that
the country of Uew Atlantis was unknown to the rest of the world.
It appears that in the ancient days "China also, and the great
| Atlantis (that you call America), which have now but junks and
I canoes, abounded then in tall ships". But the people of America
having grown proud made two expeditions, one against the European
settlements on the Mediterranean Sea as recorded in Plato and
another toward the New Atlantis. No sure news ever came back
concerning the fate of the first; but the second, having suffered
defeat, was completely destroyed by a mighty storm on their re-
turn journey. Afterward all the lowlands of America were sub-
I merged under forty feet of water for many days until only a few
inhabitants survived of the once numerous race. Since then the
I Mew World has been a sparsely populated and savage country. In
■ Europe and Asia, also, there was, for some unexplained reason,
L deoay in navigation at this very time. Thus few long voyage
bein taken, not many ships touched at Jew Atlantis; ani the
Lrews of those which did usually availed themselves of the op-
por tunity to remain in a perfect society. Furthermore, the
Atlanteans carry on no foreign commerce; but they gain a knowl-
edge of the outside world by dispatching every year twelve ships
on each of which travel three fellows from Solomon* s House,
whose duty it is to remain abroad until the next journey, ac-
quainting themselves with all the culture and sciences of the
countries they visit. This Solomons House, 223 which is named
after King Solomon of the Bible, was founded by Salomona who
ruled Hew Atlantis "about 1900 years ago". It is not a school
or a college in the ordinary sense; it is rather an academy
.directing scientific research on an elaborate and magnificent
After the release from quarantine two of the party were
bidden to "a feast of the family", an honor accorded to any
father who has thirty living children. *" In the meantime the
author had fallen in with a Jew who voices some curious but in-
consequential sentiments concerning the Christian religion, and
who also praises the morals of the nation. "There is not",
he says, "under heaven so chaste a nation as this". J "Then
are no stews, no dissolute houses, no courtesans, or anything
222. Only thirteen have refused to stay. Morloy, pg. 189.
223. Same, pg. 220. Morley prints Salomon for Solomon , and
Solomon for Solomono . The second word of each pair is
taken from pg. 286 of The Moral an d His to rical 7.' o rks of
Lord Bacon , 1852, er 1 . Devey, Joseph. G. G. W. Smith
follows the Llorley version.
224. Morley, pg. 202 - 213 for a list of the experiments.
225. Same, pg. 192 - 196 for a description of the ceremony.
226. Same, pg. 187.
Of that kind", ho continues. I.larriago is encouraged; and to
prevent any deception both bride and groom are observed secretly
by friends as they bathe in a pool provided for that nurpose. 227
Wedlock may not be entered into until at least a month after
the first meeting, and if marriage is contracted without the
consent of the parents, the children born of the union can in-
herit only one-third of their father's wealth, The book, which
ie unfinished, ends with a circumstantial account of the arrival
in the town of a Father of the Solomon's House, and his descrip-
tion of the experiments carried on by the fraternity.
In his consideration of the Hew Atlantis Dr. Held again
raises the banner of Andreae, this time to proclaim his influence.
His first effort is directed tov/ard establishing a connection
between Andreae and Bacon through the medium of four men
Casaubon, ! ,Ye*ckherlin, Sir Henry 7otton, and Sir Toby Matthew;
but the only one of these whom he can get into a known contact
with Andreae is '.ygckherlin who was in the lav; school at Tubingen'
while Andreae was studying theology there, and who was secretary
to a friend of Andreae. But after all his search Dr. Held
can create no more than a probable relation. He has no clean
out facts. The verdict mist be "not proved". The second task was
to find parallels between the Chris tianopol is and the Hew Atlantis .
The first of these he discovers in the literary form, i. e., the
casting aside of the dialog form; 2 * 50 but, as I have pointed out,
227. Morley, pg. 198. Compare More's Utopia .
220. Same, pp. 199 - 200.
229. Held, Introduction , pp. 47 - 54.
230. Same, pg. 55.
flail had already done this in 1607. And the I.lundus Alter et
Idem was popular. Besides Kore's Utopia is, as far as manner
of narration goes, a more striking parallel to the Hew Atlantis
than is the Chris tianopolis . A second similarity is the storm, w
but surely such a commonplace detail might have been appropri-
ated from any of the numerous travel books printed at that
time. ^ There is. Dr. Held also claims, a strong resemblance
in the religious life of the two communities, and especially
in the introduction of Christianity. 233 But Christianopolis
was founded by Religion as a Christian state to be a refuge from
religious persecution; Hew Atlantis was converted by a miracle,
and not all the inhabitants of the New Atlantis are Christians.
Andreae, furthermore, centered his work about the Christian
life and strongly emphasised religious practices; Bacon did not,
and what he might have done had he completed the fragment none
can tell. There is, however, no evidence to show that he
meditated giving religion the foremost position; while there is
proof that he meant to append a code of civil laws . Nor can
any paralleism be shown by the fact that the -people in ITew
Atlantis swear by Jesus Christ since any normal Christian mip*ht
be expected to do so. Equally rash is Dr. Held's assumption
that because there is a feast given to the father of thirty
children all meals are eaten in private. As a matter of
fact nothing is said on this point one way or the other. Sanita-
231. Held, Introduction , pg. 55.
232. Hakluyt's Voyage sT appe are d in 1598 - 1600.
233. Held, Introduction , pg. 56.
234. Same, pg. 58.
235. Same, pg. 60.
tion, moreover, appears in all Utopias; it is not Andreae's
exclusive property."" 30 And More suggested scientific agri-
culture over one hundred years before Andreae wrote. Dr. Held 's
greatest claim is that Bacon borrowed the idea of Salomon's
House from his German contemporary. It is true that both
Christ ianopolis and New Atlantis support elaborate academies;
but in them is a fundamental difference. Andreae's purpose
is the imparting of knowledge, especially religious and ethical
knowledP-e; Bacon's is the discovery of scientific truth. Andreae
includes both speculative and experimental studies with the
emphasis on the former; Bacon has only the latter. The English
philosopher, moreover, from his youth onward and in all his works,
some of which appeared before any of Andreae's, supporter 1 the
cause of empiricism. '.Thy, then, shall we be asked to go afield
in order to discover his sources in a book whose "immediate
effect in Germany was not so great as might have beer-
expected", which "did not become a pattern for other works of
a similar nature", whose publication was received with no
"startling enthusiasm", and whose author was "not as yet known
as a writer and had only a local reputation as a man of ability
and knowledge of social and religious conditions"?
The author of the New Atlantis should not, however, be
exalted as entirely original. He had behind him the Utopian
heritage which could not but affect him. Both More and Plato
are mentioned indirectly in the book, and the three day's en-
236. Held, Introduction , pg. 63.
237. Same, pp. 64 - 71.
238. Same, pg. 75. In his Bibliography there is listed only one
work of Andreae's before the Christ ianopolis and one after;
the latter is an autobiography.
tertainment at the Stranrers ' :Touse and the travellinr fellows
are strongly reminiscent of Campanella. Like each of these nen,
however. Bacon reshaped the form to suit his own ends; and
hence in the New Atlanti s we have an imaginary state drawn
to exhibit an ideal of scientific research, although it appears
that a set of laws was to be included. But one new element
Bacon did introduce into the utopia. Heretofore there had been
no attempt to keep the knowledge of the state from the world.
The Utopians and the inhabitants of Givitas Solis carried on
trade with foreign nations; the dwellers in Christ ianopolis
invited the author to return with his friends. The Atlanteans,
on the other hand, have no commercial intercourse with alien
peoples; and even intellectual relations are established secretly
and with no idea of reciprocal exchange. Those persons who by
chance find out the country are bribed to remain. This may
have been with Bacon merely a variation of llore's trick to pain
verisimilitude; but later, in such works as L 'Histoire des
Sverambes , peques Sodom , and L ' Isle Inconnue , it developed into
the motif of an asylum.
In 1637 appeared the i^udemia of Janius Cicius Srythraeus? 40
The book is a satire upon contemporary manners, based like Hall's
239. Bacon's devotion to empiric philosophy is too well known to
need comment. As early as 1595 in a letter to Essex he
"expressed a wish to retire from the practice of law and r
to devote himself to philsophy", says S. R. Gardiner in his
article on Bacon in the Dictionary of national Biography ;
and the titles of many of his works are a sufficient in-
dication of his interest in the field.
240. I have been unable to secure this book except in summary by
Mr. Begley, Nova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 369 - 379. The
author's real name was Giovanni Vittorio Rossi. The work
is, of course, in Latin. Mr. Begley thinks it was in-
fluenced in style by Barclay T s Argenis and Petronius '
r ^atyricon. IJaude connects it with I.Iore's Utopia.
upon the discovery of a new country, but one which, unliko
Hall's, is unknown to nan. The island is found by two younr
Romans, who, having concerned themselves in the consniracy of
Se Janus, were forced to flee and were shipwrecked upon the
coast of Eudemia, the largest island in the Mauritania group.
Interwoven in the satire is a love episode. Olinda falling in
love with Philotas disguised herself as a boy and followed
him. Unfortunately she drew upon herself the affection of a
wanton widow, and to escape from the dilemma committed suicide.
This introduction of a love episode into the voyage imaginairc
is important not only because it is the first, but also because
it sets a fashion which was followed by later authors. Also
worthy of note is the reappearance of the picaresque hero who
had been suppressed since 0-odwin; but in the Eudenia the se-
quence between the crime and the shipwreck is closer, whereas
in Todwin the nutting to sea is a commercial venture and the
hero is nut on shore because of ill health.
Three years later a certain R. H. published a continua-
tion of the Hew Atlantis. He did not, however, add much to
the original, but rather developed the ideas suggested by it.
Eis work was, nevertheless, deemed worthy of a reprint in 1660,
but since then it has sunk into deserved oblivion.
Another unimportant utopia appeared the following year
Maoaria by Samuel Hartlib. In the use of the dialog form,
in the abrupt meeting of the two speakers (a Traveller and a
Scholar), in the absence of any explanation as to how the former
found Maoaria or returned from it, and in the baldness of the
241. See Begley, Nova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 272 - 374.
242. Reprinted irTThe Harleian Miscellany, vol. IV, pp. 380 - 387
narrative the Hacaria suggests the Civitas Soils . Certain of
its details, on the other hand, recall the Utopia and the lie 7/
Atlantis . The name Hacaria is probably borrowod fror Tore
as are the ideas concerning war and the repression of religious
fanatics. Hartlib's College of Experiments is doubtless the
Salomon's House of Bacon renamed. 24 *^ The passages on agriculture
however, appear to be original with Hartlib; for he wrote other
works on the subject. The purpose of the pamphlet, says the
editor of the Harleian Hiscellany , was "to intimate to a new
model of government , as the rroperest means to
reconcile the destructive breach, that was beginning to appear
between the king and parliament".
A brief summary will illuminate the points of the preced-
ing paragraph and also show that Hartlib really added nothing
to the development of the voyage imaginaire . A Traveller and a
Scholar meet on the "Change" and go into l.Ioorfield for a chat.
In a monotonous series of questions and answers we learn that
the former has visited the kingdom of I.Iacaria. The ruling power
in this country is a Great Council which holds brief annual
sessions to hear impeachments against ministers, judges, and
other officers whom "they trounce soundly, if there be cause".
There are under councils of husbandry, land trade, maritime
trade, and colonial expansion, which also meet once a year. The
laws governing real property are the most important . An "in-
heritance" tax of five per cent is levied for the purpose of
creating an internal improvement fund; and fines are assessed
for failure to develop lands. In the manual arts the demand for
243. Bacon calls it also the College of the Six Lays' 7 r ork.
and supply of labor are equalised by regulating the number of
apprentices in any driven trade. All commerce which enriches
the nation is encouraged, and new plantations receive government
subsidies until they become self -support inc. ",'ar is waged only
in self-defense; but an attack always brings vengeance in the
form of annexation. The College of ^xoeri ments supervises
all medical practice, directing in this work the parish priests
who are doctors of physic as well as of divinity. The infallible
tenets of religion must be accepted by all I.Iacarians, and the
teaching of new beliefs is a crime. Government officials are
so well paid that they suffer no temptation to be dishonest;
that he seldom
and the king manages the royal demesne so well^has to request
the levy of imposts, and thus he readily obtains them when he
As Hartlib's little dialog grew out of his interest in
the political broil that was gradually involving Kin?, parlia-
ment, and people, so Samuel Gott's Nova Solyma , issued anonymously
in Latin, sprang from the author's dreamy hope that morality and
art might be Joined in the wedlock of fictional form. The book,
however, fell stillborn from the press and so little was known
of it or of its author that when in 1902 the Reverend Mr. Walter
Begley issued an English translation of it, he sought to amass
in an elaborate introduction and exhaustive footnotes evidence
to prove that the unknown author was John Milton. After draw-
ing numerous parallels between the II ova Solyma and Hilton's
known work, Mr. Begley clinched his argument with the silencing
inquiry: "If not Hilton, then who?" Unfortunately for this
pleasant thesis Mr. Stephen K. Jonee while examining V/. London's
Catalogue of the most vendible Books in ?]ngland ( 1658) , discovered
the Nova Solyma entered as the work of Samuel Gott, a gentleman
then unknown. 244 This forgotten author appears to have been born
in 1613, and to have been the son of a London ironmonger. He
attended the Merchant Taylors' School and St. Catherine's, Cam-
bridge, taking his A. B. in 1632. Sometime in the forties he
married a Miss Farnden and retired to his country estate. At
one time he seems to have been connected with politics in London,
but evidently he was not an important figure since no mention
of him survives. The Nova Solyma was not his only production,
nor even his first perhaps. The others are: Parabolae Evanrelioae
Latine Hedditae ( ante . 1650) , An Essay on the True Happiness of
Man ( 1650) , 246 and the Divine His t ory of the Genesis of the world
Explicated and Illustrated (1670) . 246 Mr. Jones concludes that
even without the testimony of the Catalogue the dates of Gott's
residence at Cambridge and the matter of his other publications
seriously weaken Mr. Begley's case since the evidence produced
by the latter will now apply to Gott as well as to Milton. The
list of Gott's works and the details of his life have, however,
another interest. They show the author to have been a thoroughly
religious man, given to the liesurely contemplation of things
divine and also one removed from the hurlyburly of active life,
content to dream away his days outside the sphere of politics
244. Jones, Stephen K. , The Authorship of the II or a Solyma iri
Library , Series 3, vol. I, pp. 225 - 238. The biographi-
cal data here presented are from this article.
245. This is the only publication bearing Gott's name.
246. Entered as Gott''s in the General Catalogue for 1680.
and wars. Into such a country he trans port F A In the Horn Solyma .
There are "no warp or rumors of warp", no i olitical factiona
perturb the state; all is peace and quiet meditation on thinrs of
the heart and soul. Tn the hustlinr days of revolutions, repri . -
cides, and commonwealths none hut a mystic and a dreamer could '
have written such a book.
In form the Nora Solyma is more of a romance than an im-
aginary voyage or a utopia. In fact its openinp passare suggests
not a travel "book or a sea story but a conventional novel be-
ginning. In addition, the only imaginary thing about the land
or city of II ova Solyma is that Jerusalem is supposedly restored
to a Christianized Hebraic rule and the idealism of its customs
and government. These points can, however, best be emphasised
by a summary of the story.
Two Cambridge students, Eugenius and Politian, having
heard of Uova Solyma, decide to go thither; but fearing parental
opposition, the leave England secretly, and j^assing throup-h
Sicily on the way to Jerusalem meet^young Hebrew, Joseph son
of Jacob, who while travelling with his tutor Appollos, was
set upon by brigands and left destitute and alone amonrr strangers
The half-brothers, for such Eugenius and Politian were .take the
young fellow for their guide, and the three reach IT ova Solyma
safely, where Jacob welcomes his son and his benefactors ,for the
entertainment of strangers is a national duty. 24 ^
247. The names of the characters are Arcadian, rather than
Hebraic, English, or Italian: Eugenius and Politan have
been mentioned, as has Appollos. Antonia is not
Hebraic. Philander is a romance name.
248. Begley, Walter, Nova Solyma , 1902, vol. I, pg. 86.
At this point it 1b best to ceaso following a strictly
ohronologi cal order of incidents and to discuss the subject
matter of the hook under the heads of frovernnont , education,
religion, and love episodes. The first is vaguely treated,
probably because Gott did not aim to write a political tract.
There is a council of old men and another of young men, but their
duties are not explained. The family organization is patriarchal,
and the father is the unquestioned master of his children.
The betrothal customs are Hebraic; but marriage is a civil, not
a religious contract, the ceremony being performed by a uni-
versity professor. Duels are forbidden, and ignoble punish-
nents are inflicted upon all those guilty of such offences;
but to settle all questions of honor a censor is appointed.
Charity is organized; the system, however, is not explained.
Dress is the only distinction of rank, laborers wearing short
gowns, and officials long robes. A family inherits the
honors of its ancestors in case it is deserving; otherwise the
dignity lapses. An attempt is made at the impartial distri-
bution of public honors, but most of them go to the soldiers.
Trade is permitted; commercial treaties even being contracted
with foreign countries, the chief articles of export being the
249. Begley, Walter, II ova Solyma , 1902, vol. I, pg. 100. "Be
he a tyrant, a lunatic, or a criminal even, a father is
not to be despised, or peered at, or maligned, or ill-
250. Same, vol. II, pg. 228 and 209.
251. Same, vol. II, pp. 112 - 116. If one participant is slain,
the other is hanged heels upward; if neither is killed,
both are branded.
252. Same, vol. II, pg. 116.
253. Same, vol. I, pg. 238.
254. Same, vol. I, pe:. 106.
255. Same, vol. II, pg. 116 ff.
256. dame, vol. II, pp. 116 ff.
showy and useless manufactures. 2 '^ 7 Slavery exists. 250 Civil
edicts are obeyed without question unless they conflict wi th
the dictates of one's conscience; then the spiritual law becomes
supreme, for the inhabitants of Nova Solyma vigorously oppose
any temporal interference in things divine.'
Education receives a more ordered and fuller treatment.
Two great fundamental principles underlie it; that nature is
superior to art, 260 and that truth and religion are the highest
things,* - Instruction in childhood, is by means of fairy tales.
Real education begins in the college. • Here only the best
professors are hired at the highest salaries; and their teaching
is guided by the principle of self-restraint which is the
national ideal in both the physical and intellectual life; for
they hold that while genius ought to be fostered, it should also
be enjoined from waywardness. Effort is encouraged in two ways
first, by the practical means of scholarships for poor students,
and second, by regulating the difficulty of the assigned tasks
according to the capacity of the individual student. Emulation
is also urered by offering prize Dens for original compositions
in "colloquial", declamatory, poetic, and historical writing.
The course offered in the college lays stress upon Greek, Latin,
and Hebrew; but modern languages are also taught in order that
257. Ijova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 135 and 205.
258. Same , vol. II, pg. 2.
259. Same, vol. I, pg. 224.
260. Same, vol. I, pg. 165.
261. Same, vol. I, pg. 259.
262. I have omitted in the summary of the passage on the college
a description of the building as being unnecessary. In the
courtyard stand statues of eminent men with their deeds
inscribed on their bases. This is suggestive of both :"icon
and Campanella. Admission to the college is obtained only
after an examination by the Porter; of what sort this test
is, is not told.
intercourse with other nations may lie maintained. Sport for
sport's sake is encouraged; and military drill ie compulsory
for all. Ethical and religious instruction are also given; the
latter is not, however, to be confused with theological study.
The undergraduate course continues throughout four years, and
is followed by three years of postgraduate work, which may bo
in philosophy and jurisprudence, in law, in medicine, or in
theology. In addition to this formal instruction a university
extension course is maintained by means of educational lectures
in other towns, and public discourses on religion, ethics, and
family life .
The religion of Nova Solyma is puritanic in its theolopy
and is based upon the assumption that the Bible is an infallible
revelation of the word of God and of his ways toward men. Its
nature is chiefly revealed in two loner, dry college lectures --
one on the creation, the other on the well regulated life, the
latter, however, being more suggestive of Greek philosophy than
of the Bible. An enlivening incident in the religious dis-
cussion is the episode of Theophrastus and the devil, which is
not far different in its tone from such a Puritan document as
Bunyan's Grace Abounding , the devil, of course, getting the worst
of the contest, and the soul of Theophrastus being haled from
his body to a peaceful immortality.
The love stories, which are an intimate part of the frame-
work of the romance, are of two sorts. That of Joseph and
phillipina is tragic. The former while in Italy had saved the
latter from death, and she had repaid his generosity by falling
in love with him; Joseph, however, did not return the compliment.
After he had gone homo, she disguised herself as a boy, assumed
the name of Philander, and followed him. To further hide her
identity and excuse her wanderings , she invented a story to
the effect that as she (i. e., Philander) lay asleep in a
meadow a beautiful maiden had bent over her, but as she awoke
the girl disappeared, her life having since been spent in a
bootless search for the lost love. Arriving at Nova Solyma
in the character of Philander she was by Joseph's aid lodged
in the house of Antonia, a widow, who soon fell in love with
the supposed youth, but met only with repulses. Despairing
at last after an especially severe rebuke, she resolved to kill
both herself and Philander, Just at this moment, however,
messengers arrived from Sicily and revealed the true character
and name of the supposed boy. Joseph directed them to Antonia T s
house; but .before the party could reach it, the blow had fallen.
The widow had taken poison; and Phillipina, having heard of the
arrival of the Sicilians, had stabbed herself. Joseph on learn-
ing the truth was greatly afflicted in conscience, but recover-
ing, promised to be more careful in the future. Meanwhile I^ugenius
and Politian had fallen in love with Joseph's sister Anna, and
quarreliner had arranged a meeting to settle the question of honor.
Joseph, however, discovered the situation, and scolded them
severely. The half-brothers, after having undergone a regenerat-
ing religious experience, and having obtained their host's for-
giveness, were then introduced to Joanna, another sister, who
cannot be distinguished from Anna. The episode and the book
ends with the arrival of the English father, the betrothal of
the four lovers, and the elevation of Jacob and Joseph to the
leadership of the senior and junior councils respectively.
In the Nova Solyma Dr. Held again sees, with some p-r^ater
show of reason this time perhaps, the influence of Andrea© at
work. Yet even here he shows a marked tendency to generalize
on what seem insufficient and hasty hypotheses. Since ^ott
was at Cambridge with Milton, Dr. Held presumes a natural con-
nection between the former and the latter's friends Dury and
Hartlib. This may have been the case; but, as in the case
of Bacon, we have no uroof. Dr. Held also seems to have taken
seriously the author's statement in the Autocriticon appended to
the edition of 1649 that the work "was written in the heat of
youthful ardour"; it may have been, but fiction writers lied
famously in their prefaces at that time. The Ilova Solyma is,
moreover, a romance turned to outspoken didactic purposes, 2 ^ 4
and is not primarily a description of an ideal state. In ad-
dition, not all of Dr. Hold's parallels are as convincing- as he
would have them seem. The moral tone in which he finds his
first similarity is not characteristic of Andreae and Gott
alone, but of practically every, author of European urose fiction
from l.lore to Defoe. Another resemblance which he discovers
is the hiph moral character of the teachers; but the priests,
who taught the youth in Utopia, were "men of eminent piety".
Parental consent to marriages was required in Hew Atlantis as
well as in Christ ianopolis . And finally the parallel passage
263. Held, Introduction , pp. 79 - 80.
264. Nova Solyma , vol. I, pp. 298 - 301.
265. See A. J. Tieje, The Consciously Expressed Critical Theory
of European Prose Fiction before 1740 , ch. II.
266. LIorTey, pg. 156; Held, pg. 9T~.
is no parallel passage at all. 267 Gott writes, describing the
suburban villas of Nova Solyma: "Here too were set about many
beautiful trees, springing from the fertile soil, and so shutting
out the view of the city that you seemed to be in the very heart
of the country, and all was open to the air, and sunshine, preen
and fertile. Hero and there were bods of flowers of varied hues
scattered about the grassy slopes, and their bright borders
looked like garlands thrown on the ground". Andreae says of
the gardens surrounding the College at Christianoplis : "They "re
not permitted to confuse the order of the distribution of plants,
which by the skill of the gardener are made to conform to the
various zones of the sky, a wonderful and clever combination
of colors, repre?ent inf as it were a painted plate". Of these
two passages Dr. Held concludes: "The description of the
gardens and the various hues and the color of the flowers therein
is almost identical". Comment is needless. It is this tendency
in Dr. Held to make unfounded claims which causes me to doubt
even those which I should otherwise be inclined to grant. Any-
way influence upon a book which ten years after its first issue
was waste paper on the bookseller's shelves is an empty honor
The development of the voyage imaginaire in this period
shows many interesting changes in its subject-matter, aim, and.
form. In 1516 it was a wonderbook, but Llore grafted upon it the
branch of the Utopia which flourished and bore fruit. Almost
267. Nova Solyma , vol. I, pg. 162; Christianotiolis , ch. XCIV;
Held, ng. 89.
268. Dr. Held has failed to point out the greatest resemblance
between the Chris tianopolis and the Nova Solyma ; both
were forgotten as soon as published, and not revived for
ono hundred years later Hall developod another off-shoot —
social satire -- , which, v/hilo it aid not at once mature, later
waxed and grew strong. The voyage has, in other words, now
become purposive literature, and such it is to remain until
1750. The literary form too has changed. The dialog which was
borrowed from Plato alonr v/ith the conception of an ideal state,
did not thrive. Only Campanella and Hartlib preserve it intact;
More made the narrative a sort of lecture; and Hall, Andreae,
and Gott emphasize the story form until with the latter it be-
comes a full-fledged romance. After 1641 no voyages imaprinaires
were written in the dialog form. The effort to Fain verisimili-
tude, however, did not develop. Ilore was the only one who made
an extended effort to "force belief", but his seed fell upon
barren ground; the labor of evolving the elaborate preface was
left to Vairasse and his followers. But from the Utopia onward
all except a few authors felt called upon to give a more or
less exact location to their imaginary states. Characteriza-
tion, too, has made little headway; and only in the Uova Solyma
do we find more than faint suggestions of it, and these not
t&B VOTAGE IMAGINAIRE PROM MOJIfBMBIBB TO ?YSS07 (1652-1720)
Thus far in its history the voyage imaginaire has been
confined chiefly to Utopias, such productions as Godwin's I. Ian
in the Ho one and ball's Mundus Alter et Idem being infrequent .
After 1650, however, both its character and method became more
varied. Descriptions of ideal states are, of course, still to
be found; but added to these are narratives of supposed lands
allegorical in nature, the customs and manners of whose inhabi-
tants are intended as a satire upon those of contemporary Europe
Sometimes this satire is extended further and made to include
not only social customs but political, philosophical, religious,
and educational ideas as well. In this period, too, was de-
veloped to its fullest extent the effort to gain verisimilitude
by means of the preface and the pretended manuscript; and the
Robinsonade element became an almost permanent feature of all
those voyages which dealt with the sea.
In 1652 appeared the Relation de L 1 Isle Imaginaire by
Anna Uontpensier . It together with Abbe Hedelin d'Aubignac's
Relation du Royaume de Coqueterie (1654), Oharles Sorel's
L ' Isle de Portraiture (1659), and Tallement's Voyage de 1 ' Isle
de 1 'Amour (1663) represents one of the new departures. Under
an allegorical guise these works aim to satirise some fad,
folly, passion, or other extravagant practice of the beau noni e
or of literature.^ Unfortunately I have not been able to secure
them either in text or in sumnary; and so the bare statement of
their aim must here suffice. They were, moreover, the leapt
influential of the satirical voyages and are now all but forgotte
for while Cyrano de Bergerac, Swift , and Holberg assaulted funda-
mental vices of mankind, these authors confined themselves to
attacks upon potty fai liners and transient faults.
The new tendency, however, quickly manifested itself in a
more important and more popular volume. Cyrano de Bergerac's
Voyage dans la Lune was published in 1656; and six years later
a new and enlarged version was issued under the title Les
Voyages de Cyrano de Bergerac dans les Etats et les Empires de
la Lune et du Soliel , to which v/as appended L 'Hip to ire des
Oiseaux. The first and shorter book was translated into English
in 1659, three years after its appearance in ^rance; and the
complete edition was englished in 1687.
Cyrano de Bergerac tells that returning to : : aris one
night with some tiusy companions, he was inspired by their ran-
dom remarks to attempt a Journe?/ to the Moon. His first trail
was made by attaching to his belt a number of bottles filled
with morning dew u-oon which the Sun exercised an attraction
powerful enough to raise him. Unfortunately, however, the
Lloon appeared to recede rather than to approach; so he dropped
several of his phails. Immediately he, too, fell earthward;
but instead of finding himself in familiar surroundings, he
1. iainlop, John, History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg.
saw about him a land entirely strange, which on inquiry he
found to bo Canada. Thereupon he concluded that the Earth r ■ '
revolve on an axis since he had ascended and descended in the
sane line. Not discouraged by his failure, Cyrano made a
second trial in a machine of his own invention; but this Attempt
also met with unsuccess, the engine fallin<- and he himself being
badly bruised. Having returned home he annointed himself with
ox marrow and set out to find his machine. The uopulace had
meanwhile discovered it, and conceiving it to be an infernal
invention, were about to burn it when he arrived on the scene.
In order to rescue it from destruction, he sprang- into it and
began a second flight. But once more the machine fell; Cyrano,
however, continued to rise, buoyed up by the attraction exerted
by the Moon upon the marrow with which he had salved his wounds.
As he approached this other world, his feet turned toward it,
and he began to descend more rapidly; but his fall was luckily
broken by a tree.
Setting out at once in search of food, he found under a
tree a man with whom he entered into conversation, but after a
few exchanges this person disappeared in a cloud. At that
moment two large ape-like beings came up and took him prisoner,
carrying him home and exhibiting him about the country as a
sort of mountebank's monkey. " In the meantime news of this
strange creature reached the court; and the oueen commanded that
he be fetched as a companion for her "little animal", who
2. Cf . Gulliver's treatment in Brobdingnag.
turned out to bo a Spaniard kept "by the Oueon as a monkey
because on his discovery he was dressed in the Spanish node
which amonr the Lunare is reserved for simians as being the most
ridiculous known • At the royal palace Cyrano also met with
a "genius" who had formerly been on earth as the daemon of
Socrates but who had retired hence because virtue was no longer
to be found there.
By this time the hero had learned the court language,
which consisted of musical tones so that two neople could con-
verse by playing- on instruments. Such a sign of intelligence
caused a dispute among the philosophers as to his nature, some
maintaining his rationality, others denying it, fo that he was
brought to trial; but after much argument the savants concluded
that he was only a bird without feathers, and remanded him to
prison. During his incarceration Cyrano mastered the vulgar
tongue which consisted of movements of the body, such as wiggling
the ears or blinking the eye-lids. This new manifestation of
reason caused the scholars to hold a new examination, at which
it was concluded that he was an ostrich since he walked on two
legs, held up his head, and was filled with an inordinate pride.
An incautious statement on his part that the earth was an in-
habited world now brought on a a third trial; but in spite of
the daemon's effort to show that a recantation would not alter
the truth or the falsity of the statement nor the holder f s
3. Godwin, author of the Han in th e 1 To one . Cyrano says,
Voyage Ir&ginaires , vo 1 . XIII, pr . 167, "Ce petit hoirme me
conta qu'il etoit L'uropeen, natif de veille Castille;
qu'il avoit trouve moyen avec des oiseaux ; de se faire
porter jusqu'au monde de la lune ou nous etions alors . "
Cf. Godwin, Man in the "oone.
»inion on the matter, retr.ict.ion was the penalty inflictc' .
'rano, having confessed that the :'oon is world and the BSftrth
a noon, was then allowed to acoompany the daemon at whose
louso he heard numerous philosophical discussions upon such
topics as the subservience of parents to their children, the
intelligence of vegetables, the identity of shame and false
lodesty, and the soundness of Democritus ' theory of emanations.
Meanwhile one of the youn,T ladies-in-waiting had begun
;o pay assiduous court to him, suggestinr that they flee to-
gether during the excitement attendant upon a war whioh was
about to break out. The lunar method of conducting hostilities
is to have a referee to select a battleground, and to arranrre
the time and manner of the conflict. To this place the amies,
each having an equal number of men with equal equipment, re-
pair. After the contest in the field the philosophers, savants,
and scholars meet in a battle of wits. The leader of that party
which is awarded the victory by the referee, is then chosen
king of the vanquished.
Other strange customs are also described. The moon-people
feed upon the odors of food. 6 The sign of nobility amonr them
is not a sword as in Prance, but a bronze figure of the male
genital organ; for, say they, it is ridiculous to exalt an
instrument of destruction over one of procreation. All whose
noses are less than a proscribed bigness are castrated because
the lunar s believe that a large nose is the sign of virtue,
5. Gf. Glundalclitch T s affection for GS-ulliver.
6. Gf. Luclan, who says that they snuff up the smoke of broil-
ing froge .
intelligence, and similar desirable qualities in its owner,
eir .gunpowder is nost miraculous, for it not only slays the
me "but drosses and cooks it as well.
Cyrano made his escape from the Toon by the aid of the
daemon, who carried him across interstellar space and deposited
him in Italy, whence he returned to France without further
adventure except that the dogs continually bayed him because he
smelled of the Moon.
These adventures Cyrano related to a friend who persuaded
him to publish them; but the appearance of the book aroused a
severe persecution against him, which ended in his imprisonment
on the charge of sorcery. During his confinement Cyrano, now
called Dyrcano (anagram for Cyrano d'), amused himself with
various experiments, finally creatine: an engine composed of a
box with holes bored in the bottom. Through the lid he inserted
a bottle, open, it appears, at both ends, upon which mirrors
reflected the rays of the sun, causing the air in it to become
heated and so to rise; a partial vacuum thus being" formed, the
air rushed in throush the holes in the bottom of the box, creating
a "breeze" which carried the machine upward.
His first landing in this new iourney was upon a small
world near the Sun, where he learned the scientific principle of
the engendering of life. The heat of the Sun acting upon the
ooze of the earth, causes blisters to arise, from which, if
they open after the first swelling, vegetable life results; if
after the second, animal life; if after the third, rational, or
7. The hugeness of Cyrano's nose is well known. See Edmond
Rostand, Cyrano de Bergerac , 1897, Act I, sc. 4. Cyrano
is reputed to have fought more than a hundred duels on ac-
count of his prominent nose.
Resuming his travels Cyrano passed through a region of
opaque blackness, from which as he neared the Sun he emerged
into another where he experienced the phenomenon of having
himself and all about him transparent. How also he felt no
need of food since the heat of the Sun overcame the cold humors
of his body. ^ Soon after, he landed upon the Sun; and being;
wearied, he lay down to sleep upon a barren plain; but on his
awaking he found himself lying under a gorgeous tree of gold
and gems on which sat a nightingale singing her sweetest songs.
Suddenly one of the ^en-fruits fell from the tree, and as it
touched the ground assumed the shane of a diminutive man; where-
upon the entire tree dissolved into a race of pigmies who after
performing an intricate dance took the shape of a man, the most
active among them forming the head, the less the trunk, and
the least the limbs. Into the mouth of this creature entered
the dwarf who had first appeared to Cyrano. The being now
explained to Cyrano the power of the will ( volant e ) over matter
and its ability to effect any desired change of form. It also
told that they were a people who journeyed over the Sun visiting
all of its parts, assuming during these travels the shades of
eagles, with the exception of the prince v/ho took that of a
nightingale. On one such journey they had met the nightingale
which Cyrano had seen sitting on the tree; she had immediately
fallen in love with their prince, thinking that the eagles were
kidnapping him, and since that time she had followed them, so
that they had to change into a tree each night to afford her a
8. Cf. Godwin, Man in the I.Ioone.
resting place. After this narration, the body chanced once
more into individual beings who assumed the shapes of earles
and flew off.
Proceeding on his way Cyrano entered the Land of Birds
where he was taken prisoner and dragged into court on the charere
of being a man. On the advice of a pie which had once been a
captive amonfr men, he pleaded that he was a monkey; but a com-
mission appointed to examine the evidence reported adversely on
the contention because when they capered in front of him, he
did not imitate them. A motion was then made that he be
sentenced to the t riste morte , i . e., death by hearing the birds
sing sad songs until his heart should burst; but the king
commuted the penalty to death by being devoured by insects. A
black ostrich carried him to the place of execution, where the
herons tied him securely; but just as the swarms of insects
were about to assail him, there arrived a reprieve gained
because he had once shown kindness to his cousin's rarrot who
was now in the Sun. The terms of the pardon, however, required
that he should leave the Land of the Birds at once.
A white ostrich now carried him into a forest where,
wearied with the excitement of the trial, he fell sound asleep.
Some hours later he was awakened by voices speakiner in the
Greek tonrue, but no persons could be seen. Suddenly one of
the voices announced that the odor of a man could be detected,
and Cyrano, fearing new ill-luck, asked who the speaker mierht
be. He now learned that he was in a grove of Dodona oaks, the
seed of v/hich had been brought to the Sun in the craw of an
eagle. The oak further explained that trees and the earth
stand to one another in the relation of father and mother, the
seed of the former being the semen, the rrroiind of the latter
being the womb, and the shedding of the leaves representing
the careful wranpinfr of the female in a cloak against the
weather. Another now related the story of the lover trees,
sprung in ancient times from the bodies of Orestes and Pilades,
the fruit of which inspires in those who eat of it an intense
reciprocal passion. By this means all the abnormal loves of
antiquity, such as that of Pasiphao for the bull and narcissus
for himself, are accounted for, as well as the attraction between
iron and loadstone which were created by the juice of the fruit
falling on the cinders when the incensed neople burned the trees
to rid the world of their menace. The story also explains that
since the poles are the exits for the souls departing from this
earth, iron and loadstone separately turn from, but united turn
toward them, as not desiring to leave the world except in consort
one with another. From these tree-folk Cyrano also learned that
trees feel; for it is to^noticed that when one is struck with
an axe, the first blow cuts much deeper than the succeeding
ones since that always takes the tree by surprise whereas being 1
prepared for those that follow, it can stiffen its fibers to
Passing from this wood Cyrano met Campanella with whom
he witnessed a combat between a Salamander and a Remore, i. e.,
between the principles of heat and cold, in which the latter
was victorious. The two then proceeded rapidly toward the
City of Philosophers because Campanella was anxious to meet the
newly arrived Descartes. On the way, however, they visited a
lake which foods the five rivers of the senses and whence flow
the streams of Kornory, Inaginati on, and Judgment, an allegorical
description of each being Priven • Passing on the two travellers
net a woman from the Land of Lovers who was dragging her husband
to the City of Philosophers to obtain his condemnation for having
slain her child twice in one night, once by ha\*ing refuse^ to
hold intercourse with her and again by having an emission in
his dreams. This lady described the Land of Lovers where all
children are reared in a school of love from which the girls
are graduated at the age of thirteen, the boys at eighteen, each
youth being assigned at that time as many women as he is able
to satisfy sexually. Each night, also, a doctor sroes the rounds
of the houses in his district assigning to each husband and wife
the number of connections allowable for them during that period.
The last incident in the book is a meeting between this f?roup
of characters and Descartes as Campanella and Cyrano are accompany-
ing ihe husband and wife back to the Land of Love.
Just what Cyrano aimed to satirize in each instance is
difficult to tell. It is clear at once, however, that he meant
to assail mankind as a whole, at least that notion of it which
assumed mankind to be infinitely superior to all other created
things; otherwise there is no point either in the judgment of the
lunar savants on his nature, or to the decision of the birds as
to his rationality, 3 Evidently, too, he sought fun at the
9. Histoire des Oiseaux, Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XIII, pp. 359
360- Le's~~6Tseaux alleguent "que cela seroit bien ^ridicule
de croire qu'un animal tout nud, que la nature meme en
mettent au jour ne s'6toit pas souciee de fournir de choses
necessaire a le conserver, fut comne eux capable de raisonner
Encore, ajoutient ils, si c'etoit un animal qui approchat
un neu davantase de notre f igure ; mais justement le nlus
expense of the youn-- bloods in his passage on swords, and to
get a sly thrust at his enemies when he made big noses a lunar
test of virtue. Doubtless, also, there is satire in the pas-
sages which tell of the philosophical doctrines of the Moonites
and in the descriptions of the Rivers of Memory, Imagination,
and Judgment; and Cyrano evidently wished to ridicule intel-
lectual bigotry when he told how incensed were the Lunars at
his assertion that the world was inhabited, and when he penned
the very readable narrative at the opening of the second part,
telling of the mob and its prejudices. Beyond doubt he also
meant to turn the laugh on the Spaniards in saying the inhabi-
tants of the Moon dressed their monkeys in the Spanish fashion
as being the most ridiculous. Perhaps the Land of Love with
its school of passion and regulation of sexual intercourse is,
likewise, to be taken as a satire upon Utopias. But in all
cases except the first the satire is too vague to have had much
point, and Cyrano appears clearly to lack the power of such a
writer as Swift or the imagination of such an author as Holberg.
dissemble, et le plus affreux; enfin un b&te chauve, un
oiseau plume, une chimere amassee de toutes sortes de
natures, et qui fait peur a toutes: l'homme, dis-je, si tot
et si vain, qu'il se persuade que nous n'avons ete fait
que pour lui: l'homme qui, avec son ame si clairvoyant, ne
sauroit distinguer le Sucre d f avec le arsenic, et qui
avalera de la cigue que son beau jugement lui aura fait
prendre pour de persil: l'homme qui soutient qu'on ne
raisonne que par la rapport des sens les plus foibles, les
plus tardifs, et le plus faux d'entre toutes les creatures:
l'homme enfin que la nature, pour fait de tout, a cr&e
comme les monstres, mais en qui pourtant elle a infus
1' ambition de commander a tous les animaux, a 1' exterminer .
"Voila ce que disoient les plus sages. Pour la
commune, elle crioit que que cela etoit horrible, de
croire qu'une bete qui n'avoit pas les visage fait comme
eux, eut de la raison. He quoi, murmuroient-ils l'un a
1' autre, il n'a ni bee, ni plumes, ni griffes, et son ame
seroit spirituelle? dieux; quelle impertinence."
The satire, however, is not what makes the work of
Braiio important in the history of the voyage imaginaire ; the
Kmportance results from the nev; elements which it contains. In
It for the first time since Lucian a story has been told with
parrative interest. More, Hall, Bacon, Gampanella, Andrea, and
Bacon were concerned merely with describing the practices of
■the lands which they purported to have visited; Erythracus and
Gott left their love stories as r.ore episodes inserted in the
descriptions of their states; and Godwin, who had tried to tell
a story, had succeeded only in giving bare details. In Cyrano's
work, on the other hand, there is at times real adventure and
real narrative suspense, although the best of the story is the
account of his adventures in Prance. But the step is noteworthy.
The voyage imaginaire is becoming less a propagandists docu-
ment and more a tale. The scope of the voyage too has now
widened. Formerly it has been confined largely to Utopian lit-
erature, and only on rare occasions had it diverged into other
fields; but now it has definitely turned to satire, although
of a new kind, ridiculing not a literary practice as did Lucian,
nor vice as did Hall, but philosophical belief. Still another
change v/orthy of special remark has been made. As long as the
journey was confined to the earth, the problem of transportation
offered no difficulty; but when the traveller passed through
interstellar space obstacles arose. Lucian had depended on the
simple expedient of a whirlwind to elevate him to the Moon;
Godwin upon the crude plan of being carried thither by birds;
Cyrano made the first attempt to give a scientific vrai semblance
to his method, and although his means may appear ridiculous
to-day, they are still important because the later and more
(probable explanations are basically the same as his — the in-
vention of some ingenious device.
These are significant contributions and are not to be
(minimized even by the author's fairly extensive borrowings. There
can be no doubt that in writing a satirical voyage he was imitating
Lucian's Verae Historiae ; nor can there be any question that his
odor-devouring Lunars are only a slight variation of Lucian's
smoke-snuffing ones, nor that his daemon of Socrates was suggested
by Lucian's Endymion. 10 That he appropriated details from Godwin
.is self-evident. Both experience no hunger in passing throu h
the middle regions, and in both the lunar language consists of
musical tones. His meeting with Godwin shows, furthermore, that
he knew the English book, a French version of which was issued
first in 1648 and again in 1654. It may be, also, that Cyrano
knew Bishop Wilkins' v/orld in the Loon although there appears
to have been no French version, and no traces of borrowing can
be found. These, however, are minor details; the framework of
[the story is the author's own.
Yet in spite of his creative power in this field of
literary endeavor Cyrano de Bergerac lives in the minds of men
chiefly as a notorius duellist who called out, tradition says,
over one hundred men because they looked with surprise upon his
huge and ugly nose. This is only one aspect of the many-sided
life which he lived, and which contributed to develop the spirit
that made possible such a work as his satires. In his youth he
was a roistering and gaming soldier who had, however, an infinity
10. d'Ablincourt's French translation of Lucian's Verae Historiae
appeared in 1654.
Of reckless courage as his adventure singlehanded against a
hundred of the enemy will testify. Undoubtedly this madcap life
bet its mark upon him. The spirit that impelled him to dare
and do upon the field of battle was the same \ ich, early fostered,
loosed the bonds of a fervid imagination win, after being wounded
%t the siege of Arras, he gave himself up to the pursuit of
philosophy and literature. His literary effort is of two types,
that represented in his Lettres and his dramas is purely conven-
tional, revelling in all the bombast and fantastic conceit so
popular in the seventeenth century. Only Le Pedant Joue gives
any suggestion of the original satiric power displayed' at its
full in his Eistoire Comique . In these satires there is a live-
liness and a freshness because his heart was in his work. In
them he was once more a soldier, not upon the battlefield, but
as a member of that glorious band which ever has the courage
to rise in the assault upon pedantry and prejudice.
While this volume of Cyrano 1 s wa appearing under
Jilibret's nand, John Sadler published his 01b ia (1660). The hero
t± the book, which is autobiographical, is at one and the same
time a London town-clerk and a Master of Magdalen College, Cam-
bridge, who his fortune beinj- impaired by the plague and family
disasters, put to sea to recuperate his finances but was ship-
wrecked on the coast of Olbia where he was succored by a hermit
who not only taught him peace of mind, but also described to
him the "religion, laws, customs, language, and characters of
ithat new land". This description was to follow in the second
book, which, however, appears never to have been written, so that
the 01b ia as it survives is merely the tale of a shipwreck. Hot
being able to secure the book, I have relied upon Mr. Begley's
summary and am again unable to furnish critical comment, but
it would seem from the quotations given by Mr. Begley that the
work is piously religious in character. 11
In the same year Louys Fontaines (Pere Zacherie)
issued at Paris his Relation du Pays de Jansenie . which, accord-
ing to the title page, treats "of the singularities which are
; to be found, of the customs, manners, and religion of the in-
habitants". 12 To the translation into English by P. B. in 1668
; a map of the country was added. Here again neither text nor
t summary has been available.
In that year also Henry Neville published a new kind
of voyage imaginaire , the Isle of Pines , a slight volume number -
ing thirty-one carefully written pages. The story tells that
a Dutch ship, driven far out of its course in the South Seas,
discovered "a fourth island, near Terra Austral is Incognita ",
upon which lived an English-speaking white race whose ruler was
William Pine. According to the manuscript written by George
Pine, William's grandfather, and. given by the grandson to
Cornelius van Sloe t ten, the captain of the Dutch ship, the colony
began with five souls saved from a shipwreck — George Pine,,
his master's daughter, two white maid-servants, and a negro
woman, with whom Pine lived in harmonious communism and by whom
lie had thirty-seven children. This numerous posterity intermarried;
11. Begley, V.. , - II, r.vr, -
12. See Biblio ^ ajjhj .
13. My information concerning this book is drawn from Professor
George Saintsbury. Th/ " ' '. b el, 1913. pp. 158 - 161.
"but In tho third generation four clans were formed, each in-
cluding the descendants of one of the four wives, and brothers
and sisters were prohibited from marrying each other. A further
legal code was also established with provisions for capital
and similar punishments. By the time George Pine was sixty
years old the little nation numbered five hundred and sixty-five
inhabitants, and by the time of his death twenty years later,
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine. '.Vhen the Dutch ar-
rived something like a civil war was raging; but European fire-
arms soon restored peace, and van Sloetten sailed away, leaving
the islanders once more united.
Professor Saint sbury says that only one abridgement of
this book and one reprint were made in "Hnerland, but that the
work was popular abroad. Ho also thinks that the codification
suggests the : 'Bacon-Harrington tradition", and that Defoe may
have gained from it the idea for his Robinson C rusoe . However
that may be, the book has other signification in the history of
the voyage imaginaire . In the first place, the story is "sup-
ported by letters from Amsterdam", a trick which Vairasse
writing less than ten years later popularized. Moreover,
Neville's island is near Terra Austral is Incognita ; and Vair-
asse's state is in that same continent. Neville, furthermore,
| takes his narrative from a manuscript written by the founder of
the colony; Vairasse also pretended to have an autobiographical
' manuscript. It may therefore not be rash to assume that the
author of one of the greatest Utopias owes some of his important
details to this comparatively insignificant English work. The
I Isle of Pines, in addition, is one of tho first descriptions
1 of imaginary states which depicts the commonwealth as growing;
and as such it may "be the ancestor of Grivel's much lonprer and
more elaborate L ' Isle Inconnue (1783 - 1707).
The following year appeared the anonymous imitation of
Hall's T'undus Alter et Idem, known as Psittaconm Pogjo . In
general the author appears to follow Hall, adding- and leaving
out at will, and at the same time debasing- the rough wit of
the original by a coarseness most disgusting.
In 16 75 was published Gerania , a new discovery of a l it tie
sort of people , written by Joshua Barnes. It is a poor pro-
duction displaying little ingenuity and less imagination, and
is chiefly interesting as having possibly suggested to Swift
the idea of the Lilliputians, 16 and for its Preface . The first
is purely conjectural since the only similarity in the two works
is the smallness of the people. And the Preface cannot claim
to say much that is new. Like Godwin before him, Barnes merely
| protests that since there are strange things in heaven and
j earth, and since there have been "many Pumilio's and Tom Thumb's",
l^the truth of his work ought to be apparent "enough to the Judi-
cious, who indeed may better persWade themselves by more important
; reasons, which their own consideration may puggest unto them".
The story opens abruptly. The ship ip sailing up the
I Ganges P.iver v/hen a sudden storm drives it into a lake. Then
follows a highly ornate description of a dawn, after which appear
: 14. Begley, 7/., J: ova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 390 - 392.
15. I have been unable to obtain either a text or a summary of
the Hairy Giants ( 1671 ) .
| 16. A former owner of the copy now in the University of Illinois
Library has written the following note in pencil on the
fly leaf: "A feeble performance but which nevertheless
might have suggested the idea of Lilliput to Dean Swift".
small men who have only round holes ''or nouthe and suck up their
food through tubes. Lacking- provisions, the ma,1or part of
the crew disembarks and nenetrates into tho heart of the country
where upon tho sight of more pigmies drivinr goats out to
pasture they are throv/n into a panic of supestition, and are
held to their rmrpope only by an oration from one of the party.
Soon other dwarfs three feet hir-h, mounted on ranr, neet then,
and escort then to the city where they are horpitably received.
There the Europeans learn that many years afo a Greek named
Homer came amonr this people and taught them how to war unon
their inveterate enemies the cranes, instituted a lefral order,
and prophesied the advent of Christianity. He also discovered
to them the virtues of the wood Geranophon which causes whatever
part of the crane it touches to fall off at once, of the herb
Cynocephalea which mixed with wine is a charm against poison
and witchcraft, and of the berry Anthypuum which makes sleep
unnecessary. After performing these great works. Homer returned
to his native land. The government is a benevolent monarchy;
taxes are voluntary and not levied contributions; there is no
prostitution; marriage is an honored state; the wedding portion
is made up by free-will gifts from the friends of tho couple.
The religious men are of two kinds: the Dramaescoes who study
all learning, and the Talcommuni who pursue only Hindu, loric,
mathematics, music, and ethics. The story ends with the return
of the sailors to the ship.
Joshua Barnes the man Feems to be as little known as his
book, so that biographical detail is not at present available.
17. Gf. T'andeville, ch. 19.
He anpears to have written nothinr beside hip fterania ; as far
as I an able to discover it iP the only offpprinpr of hip fancy.
His acquaintance with the conventional practice of seventeenth
century romance is attested by the ornate description of flawn
and by the verpcs scattered here and there throughout the volume.
His pigmies indicate a certain fertility of imagination on his
part and an aupreciat ion of the quaint; but he lacked the penius
to breathe into his creation the spirit of life. Hip "little
sort of people" are uninteresting. It remained for Dean Swift's
greater power to galvanize then into life.
The bibliographical history of the next voyage inaginaire
presents a conplex problem. In 1675 appeared an English version
°f L f Histoire des Severamb es, which uurnorteo 1 to be a translation
fron a French book by Dennis Vairasse d'Allais en Languodoc; but
no French edition seems to have been issued until 167 7. One
year later a second part was published in French. This was
translated into English the .year following, and in 1738 another
Fn^lish version seems to have been made; while in 1727 the work
^appended to Gul liver 1 s Travels as Fart ITI . To add to the com-
plications the versions in the two languages differ to a con-
siderable extent. According to Mr. Begley , "Mr. James Grossley,
the Manchester bibliophile, believed it to be the work of Isaac
yossius, who was in England from 1670 to 1689", and that he
wrote the first part in English and the second in French and
then translated them. The differences in the text? would, how-
ever, seem to refute this theory at the very beginning. Moreover,
18. Nova Solyma , vol. II, pg. 380. The question of authorship
is further discussed in Hot es and Queries , Ser. I, vol. I,
pp. 4, 72, 147, and 374.
tho argument is further weakened by the obvious anagrams --
Sevarias for Vairasso, and Siden for Denis. The logical assump-
tion would then seen to he that of Mr. Bop-ley that we follow
the title page, and interpret tho signature D. V. 1). E. L. as
Denis Vairasse d'Allais en Languedoc. But such a decision will
not exnlain why an English translation should have appeared bo-
fore a French imprint; and Mr. Begley's suggestion that the
author lent or sold his manuscript to some Englishman is, while
ingenious, not entirely convincing. The probability is that the
puzzle will never be solved.
The accepted author, Denis Vairasse d'Allais, is so little
known that Prosper Marchand in his article on him in the Diction -
naire listorique occupied ten pages with an explanation of the
fact. Vairasse does not appear to have been the swashbuckling
duellist Gyrano was, nor do his surviving works, with the ex-
ception of the Severambes , indicate any literary propensities
He wrote a Grammaire methodique de la langue franco is e
(1681) which is full of "vicious ornamentation", and an abridge-
ment of the same work in 1603. Perhp.ns his interest in grammar
may signify an interest in education, and an interest in educa-
tion may presume one in state organization. If so, Vairasse's
great production, L 'Histoire des Severambes , can be accounted
for; otherwise, until further biographical data are unearthed,
the work must stand apart from the known activities of its
The opening pages of the Severambes tell that the hero,
Captain Siden, having wandered through many countries and taken
part in various wars, became wearied of life in Europe, and
k — =
Sfihding an opportunity open to acco^nany his friend, van de
Nuits, to Batavia, embarked for that port on the Golden jraron .
"/hen, after severe storms, the shin p-rounfled off the coast of
Australia, Siden with the rest of the shin's company was safely
landed. After a pinnace had been constructed from the wreckage,
a portion of the crew under the command of the skipper was sent
to Batavia to brinr succor. The remainder of the party formed
ad interim a military provernment in order that they might live
peacefully until help should arrive from the ^Jutch settlements,
Siden informing the reader, with becoming modesty, that in spite
of his protestations, he was chosen head of the newly formed
community. A r ith circumstantiality he also gives in considerable
detail the laws established for the regulation of this body
politic. [The spot at which they had landed was, however, devoid
of a natural or even a potable water supply; so explorations
were conducted in all directions in the hope of discovering a
location more suitable for the establishment of the little colony.
Such a one having been found after a most careful search in all
directions, the party settled not far from the coast on the
banks of a creek where it prospered greatly, beinsr confronted
with only one problem of administration — that of the regula-
tion of sexual intercourse since the erroun consisted of three
hundred men and but sixty-four women. It was finally arranged
to allott each superior officer one woman as a wife, to permit
each subordinate officer to cohabit with a woman once in two
days, each man of higher rank once a week, and each laborer once
in ten days. With careful consideration for detail Vairasse
explains that under this arrangement it was only the "wives"
of the officers who becamo pregnant .
In the meantime a sailor named naurice, who had charge of
the "boats and who had conducted some explorations along the coast,
caused great consternation among the visitors by remaining away-
much longer than was his oustom. This disquietude was increased
when one day a fleet of boats much larger than that which l.laurice
commanded was seen to appear from the direction in which he had
sailed. Nor was the surprise lessened when, the ships approaching
the shore, a group of strangers advanced, their leader saying: "May
the eternal God bless thee, and his holy Minister, the Sun, our
King, make his face to shine upon thee; and may this our fatherland
be pleasant and joyful in thine eyes". After further exchanges of
courtesies on both sides, Maurice explained that his squadron had
late in the day penetrated far into a lake, and the sun setting,
had hove to for the night. At break of day they were surprised to
find themselves surrounded by another and more powerful fleet, so
yielding to necessity they had surrendered themselves, and were
conducted to sporounde, the capital of the border province. There,
Maurice further related, they were entertained with pleasing hospi-
tality, being furnished each night, after the manner of the country,
with concubines, but undergoing first a rigid examination to pre-
vent the communication of any disease. Their captors, having
learned that some more of the party still remained upon the sea-
coast, had, he explained, come to extend them an invitation to
enter and to settle in the country. The Europeans, reasoning
that the boat sent to Batavia had been lost and attracted by
Maurice's favorable description of the country, decided to cast
in their lot with this new people.
19. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. V. pg. 53.
Having gathered together their movables, the villagers
now proceeded inland under the protection of their hosts, rest-
ing at sporounde until the royal sanction for their journey
inland to Sevarinde, the national capital, could be received.
In the interval the officials of the town took great interest
in conversing with Captain Siden and his chief men, tellinr: them
not only about the practices of this new country, but also aslt-
inp: many questions about Europe. Siden and his staff were
further entertained by beinr: taken upon fishing and hunting
parties, the device serving to give the author opportunity for
describing the fauna of Australia. The party was, also, per-
mitted to witness a weddinr ceremony, and by chance saw the
punishment of an adulterous woman, "he journey inland, which
was begun soon after, was a sort of a pleasure jaunt enlivened
by diversions of all sorts, made agreeable by the excellent
entertainment furnished free to all the villages through which
they passed, and rendered instructive by the constant comment
and explanation of the guide. II o untoward incident marred the
whole until the guide made an ill-timed jest about reaching h
heaven by the way through hell — a bit of pleasantry which
threw the women into a panic from which they were scarcely
recovered even by the explanation that the way of hell was a
tunnel driven through the mountain in order to avoid a strenuous
and perilous crossing of the range. This interesting narrative
portion ends with the arrival of the new citizens in Sevarinde,
and the remainder of the volume is devoted to an expository
description of the government and customs of the new land.
This folk. Captain Siden loarnod from their records, de-
rived the name of Severanbians , which they "bore, from that of
their first great law-giver, Sevarias, a parsoe, who having
been long persecuted in hir own country for religion's sake,
fled into other nations of Purope and Asia. Learning- at last
from sone storm-tossed travellers of a nation of f ire-worshipnors
in central Australia, he, together with some companions of the
faith, set out to find them. Arriving in that continent, he
discovered that the Prestarambes, a gentle race of fire-worship-
ping savages, were being harassed by the heretical Stroukarambes,
or followers of the false prophet Stroukaras. The Parsecs joined
the former party, and by means of their firearms gained a glor-
Sevarias now sour-lit to establish an ideal state. As
I ;^arsee, he ordained, of course, a religion of sun-worship;
but the sun is accepted as being* merely the visible minister
of an invisible, infinite, incomprehensible diety. Over the
alter in the temple hangs a black cloth emblematic of this god,
while to the riprht is a luminous globe of crystal representing
the sun, and to the left a figure with several breasts represent-
ing the motherland. Worship is conducted by sacrifice of per-
fumes, by chants, and by prayers two of which, the oraison
made by Sevarias in honor of the sun and that for the feast of
the invisible god, are highly poetic. The latter feast is
celebrated every seven years; while the iilrimbasion , or sun-fete
is held annually at the time of the winter solstice. The
Erimbasion is a renewal of fire, all flames being extinguished
at that time, and a new blaze beine- kindled from the sun's rays.
A third national holiday of a seni -religious nature 1r ordained
in honor of Sevarias ' arrival in the country.
The government is holiocratic, the Prince and the ; Iigh-
priost being one and the same. Election is by lot, the chance
supposedly alighting on that one favored by the sun. The duty
of this official is to plan public improvements and to institute
new principles of government; a long list of both occurs in the
histories of the various reigns as summarized for us in Captain
Siden's account. Assisting the Prince is a council of Sevaro -
bastes , while special commissioners supervise such national ac-
tivities as building, agriculture, and education. The unit of
the state is the osr.asio , a buildinp- housing one thousand people,
which is presided over by an officer called an Osmasionte ; over
each four of these houses is a Brosmasionte ; and over every two
brosnasies is a Dermasionte .
Although war is forbidden except against an aggressor,
land necessary for an increasing population being acquired by
purchase, army service is required of both males and females
i between the ages of fourteen and forty-nine. This force is
divided into twelve equal groups, each of which ser\ T es in turn
for a period of three months either as a field force guarding
the frontiers or as a body perfecting itself in manouvers and
drills. During these periods each division of the army is ar-
ranged in three corps -- the married persons, the unmarried
women, the unmarried men; and to prevent illicit intercourse as
far as possible the first group is camped between the other two,
but this precaution, it may here be noted, does not work
Ownership is communistic, all things belonging to tho
state. Ho distinction of birth obtains because children are
assigned to tasks and occupations according to their abilities.
This abolition of classes is furthered by the law which pr escribes
that all persons of a given age shall v/ear the pane style and
color of r-arnent . Food is served at common tables in each
osmasie , but the evening meal may be eaten in private. The day
is divided into three equal parts — devoted respectively to
labor, recreation, and sleep. All over twenty-one work; and
although those past sixty are exempt, they seldom avail them-
selves of the privilege. Pregnant women are also excused.
Their general marriage practice is nolygamous. The vice-
roy, or prince, is allowed twelve wives, the Brosmasiontes five,
the Osmasiontes three, the inferior officers two, the commonality
one each. The viceroy has the further right to take to himself
upon his exaltation to the throne the most beautiful woman in
the realm; the first whom he marries after his election is known
as the T 'vice-queen'', and must be of the blood of Sevarias. Any
man may keep female slaves as concubines: and women are furnished
free to all strangers and travellers, but a rigid examination of
each such man is made so that there shall be no likelihood of
disease being - communicated. The marriage tie is indissolubl e,
20. Persons from one year of are to seven wear white; fror. eirht
to fourteen, yellow; from fifteen to twenty-one p-reen( married
girls under twenty-one have a frreen striue on their blue
gowns, the color for all married women un^er twenty-ni^ht ) ;
twentv-two to twenty-eiprht , blue; twenty-nine to thirty-five,
light red; thirtv-six to forty-two, dark red; forty-three to
forty-nine, light frray; fifty to fifty-six, dark gray; fifty-
seven to sixty-three soot color; sixty-four onward, black.
Slaves and strangers wear mixed stuffs. Haf?istrates wear
pnrnle, silver, or gold according to + heir rank. Tarried
women go veiled. The form of tho coiffure is also indica-
tive of a woman's age.
but non of the same rank nay exchange wivos if the women consent;
and barren wives nay after five years be exchanped for widows.
This, we learn, is a common practice I Boys narry at the ape of
twenty-one and girls at the ape of eighteen. Some years before
reaching this age the two sexes, "properly cha-Heroner 1 , are al-
lowed to mingle at fortes; and a year or so before they becone
of ape, they nay declare their choices. Every three nonths the
marriage cerenony is held in the temnle at which the pirl pro-
poses to the boy, who may, however, refuse. Should a girl be
rejected three different tines, a senator who has not yet his
full quota of wonen nay marry her. Sexual intercourse fron the
time of marriape to the ape of twenty-eight is regulated by
statute. Adulterers are whipped. Child-bearing is the chief
glory of wonen, and for each child reaching the ape of seven the
mother is entitled to wear a purple stripe on her garment .
Formal education is begun at the ape of seven, when, with
appropriate ceremonies, the child is removed from its parent
and adopted by the state, boys and girls being segregated except
for the meetings described above. The courses which they
pursue are, however, the sane. Until the age of eleven the
pupils study reading, writing, the exercise of arms, and dancing;
the next three years are devoted to work in agriculture; fron
fourteen to the age of narriage they are instructed in grannar
and in sone trade or profession. Only those who nanifest an
especial genius in sone particular art or science escape the
rigid prescriptions of this curriculum, such persons being
allowed to exert their efforts in whatever direction their
particular talent nay suggest. Mature students are also sent
abroad to observe foreign customs and culture; but no overseas
trade in commercial wares is carried on, every precaution boinr
taken to keep the knowledge of this country secret from the
rest of the world. The chief end of this system of education
is the teaching of self-control.
In philosophy the ir'everambians believe that new worlds
arise from the destruction of the old, that there are no voids,
that the universe is infinite, and that all nature is regulated
by universal law. 'Free discussion is permitted, but conformity
to the practices of sun-worship is insisted upon, the chief re-
ligious duties being inward and outward adoration, and love of
country. Pride, avarice, and idleness are their deadly sins.
Intemperance is strictly forbidden, the prohibitory measures
restraining unmarried folk from the use of intoxicants, and
barring the use of liquor at meals.
The purely descriptive and narrative elements are, as in
all Utopias, slight; but there are detailed and rather extended
descriptions of the great tunnel under the mountain; a fountain
of water in the gardens at the national capital, Sevarin&e; the
walls of the city; the palace of the viceroy; the temple; and
the irrigation canals. Three histories of lovers are also re-
lated as illustrative of customs — one is that of a seduction;
the second that of true love and religious persecution; and
the third that of a girl and her two lovers, and of her choice
between them. Examples of the Severambian langruage are also
given, and there is a section of literary criticism in favor of
quantitative meter and blank verse.
The closing pages of the L 'Histoire des Severamb es apain
become personal, Siden telling that after- the establishment of
osnasi o for tho party, ho was elevated to the rank of Os raslon te,
and that all the Europeans except the Hollanders, who hoped for
a roturn to Europe and would not forsake their Christian religion,
even in outward semblance, settee! down as citizens of Sevcranbia.
The only difficulty arising from this arrangement was the reluct-
ance of the government to adopt the children of the party since
it was feared that they might he weak physically and morally;
but it was finally agreed that the wholesome climate and laws
of the country might well overcome these congenital defects, and
the children were accepted by the state. Misfortune, however,
entered into the Captain's life after a while; his wives died,
and van Iluits while out hunting was slain by a bear. Siden
had meanwhile formed an intimate friendship with Calsimas, a
Scvarobaste , and in the hope of dispelling his melancholy sought
through his friend to gain permission for travelling abroad, but
he gained it only upon a strict promise not to tell any Euro-
peans about the country and to return at the appointed time. It
was upon this journey that he net his death as related in the
Prom even such a brief summary it is clear at once that
L' Historie des Severambes is the most fully described Utopia which
had appeared up to 1675. In it customs are much more fully de-
scribed than in any -previous book of the type, and there is a
greater diversity of matter; for whereas More devoted most of
his space to government, Campanella to hierarchical organiza-
tion, Andrea to religion and education, and Paeon to scientific
research, Vairasse gives a comprehensive view of all e^rcerit the
latter. Many of his details are, of course, borrowed. Prom
riato and his successors ho pot communism and many of its at-
tendant practices. From Hore and his followers, perhaps most
directly from Nevillo, ho took the location of his commonwealth.
Bacon, doubtless, contributed the asylum motif as it anpears in
the severance of connections with the outside world. But Cam-
panella appears to have exerted the chief influence unon Vairasse.
The citizens of Civitas :;olis were Hindus who fled from the
persecution of the Magi; the founders of Severambia were fugitives
from the religious oppression of the Persians. Both the states
are heirarchical; and in both there is the same lack of idealism
in regard to sexual relations, although Vairasse, in aupearance
at least, has a nobler concention of it than has Campanella.
It may be, moreover, that the title Givitas Solis exercised
some power of suggestion in the choice of a religion for Sever-
ambia. And the hospitable entertainment of strangers may be
traced historically through Bacon and Androae to Campanella.
There is, likewise, a possibility that in his regulations con-
cerning sexual intercourse after marriage Vairasse is employing
in earnest what Cyrano de Bergerac wrote in jest.
In spite of these borrowings, however, Vairasse holds an
important place in the history of the voyage imaginaire because
of his originality. First of all, he popularised the -practice
of relating in the voyage imaginaire "histories" of lovers,
which became a frequent habit in later representatives of the
type, and especially in those stories which, while not voyages
imagina ires , border on the genre, such as Les Adventures d ' un
Jeune Anglair and the Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle , although
Erythraeus and .rott had used the device before him. Horeover,
the woof of Vairasse 's adventure oannot be separated from warp
of Utopian description without serious injury to the fabric of
the narrative. Much of the information given is in a descriptive-
narrative of the journey from Sporunde on the border to Sevarinde
in the center of the country. Siden, also, together with his
companions, becomes a citizen of the country, and rises to the
rank of Osmasionte , acquiring three wives by the way; and his
return to Europe is a direct result of their deaths and his con-
sequent homesickness. To remove the autobiography is to destroy
the book as an artistic production. In former Utopias the author
was merely a reporter; now he has become an actor. And although
Andreae and Neville preceded Vairasse in the introduction of the
shipwreck into the imaginary voyage, the latter is the first to
develop to any great extent the Robinsonade idea. Andreae merely
mentions the storm and its consequences; Neville simply uses it
as a means to get his people into the required situation; Vair-
asse employs it for the further purpose of gaining verisimilitude.
An additional effort of Vairasse in this direction of
forcing belief is probably that author's greatest contribution
to the development of prose fiction, for his Preface appears
to be the original of all similar attempts made by later writers.
In it Vairasse tells that Captain Siden on his return from
Severambia to Europe was wounded to the death during a naval
engagement in the English Channel. With his dying breath he
bequeathed to a physician with whom he had become acquainted
during the voyage, all his private papers. Among these the
gentlemen found various notes written "on stray leaves and in
diverse languauges" 21 Latin, Italian, Fronch, and Provencal --
which appeared to conceal a story; but being unable to read all
the "diverse languages", and not having the tine requisite to
bring the notes into order, he turned then over to an English-
nan, the present editor, to translate and arrange for publica-
tion. r Jhis nan assures the reader that he has personally visited
M. van Dan, lawyer of the Dutch East India Conpany, and also a
Dutch connissioner, both of whon confirmed in detail the story
of the loss of the Dragon d'Or , an East India Conpany ship which
had sailed fron Batavia and not been heard fron since. Additional
testinony is offered in a letter written by "nomas Skinner who
says that while he was in Batavia, a sailor naned Prince had
told hin of the wreck of a ship, the Gree n or Golden Dragon , he
has forgotten which, off the coast of Australia, and of sub-
sequent but unsuccessful attenpts to find the survivors who,
after having landed, sent eight of their nunber, including
Prince, to Batavia for help. By a curious "coincidence" eight
is the nunber in the party sent out according to Siden's story
and Prince is the only one of the sailors whose nane he renenbered
when he made his notes. The reader is also assured in the
first paragraph of the Introduction that "the Republic of Plato,
the Utopia of Thonas More, and the New Atlantis of Chancellor
Bacon are only ingenuous inaginations" ; but he is warned that
too great caution of belief is as senseless as too great cred-
£1. Voyages Inagi naires , vol. V, pg. xviii, " sur des feu i lies
detachers , et "en diverses langues " .
£2. Sane, pg. vi .
llity. The author, moroovor, asks, after re port i rig the last
speech of Captain Siden, if one .will question the word of a
Such trickery is familiar to-day. It no longer deceives.
In 1675, however, the public had not yet been hoaxed by prefaces
of this sort, although I T ore had done something like it and )r.
A. J. Tieje has recorded the continued progress of the effort
to force belief. * Vairasse, in any case, was skillful. His
authorities anpear unimpeachable; and a public used to tales
of strange discoveries was not likely to be hypercritical. Aside
from its ingenuousness, the idea is also noteworthy; for, as
Dr. A. J. Tieje has pointed out, the Preface and pretended manu-
script of Vairasse have a numerous progeny. In the voya ge
imaginaire Foigny, Berington, and many nineteenth century
authors must trace thoir parentage to him; while among other
forms of the novel "the real force of the movement" is seen
in the works of Defoe, Prevost, and Narivaux. 26
23. Voyages Imaginairos , vol. V, pg. xi : "Geaux qui ont lu las
republique le Plat on, 1'Hutpoie de Thomas Morus, ou la
nouvelle Atlantis du chancelier Bacon, qui ne sont que
des imaginations ingenieuses de ces auteurs, croi,ront,
peut-e'tre, que les relations des pays nouvelle decouverts,
ou I'on trouve quelque choses de merveilleux, sont de ce
genre. II ne faut point condamner la sage precaution
de ceux qui ne croient pas aisement toutes choses, pourvu
que la moderation la borne; mais ce seroit une aussi grand'
obstination de resetter, sans examen, ce qui paroit ex-
traordinaire, qu'un manque de jugement, de recevoir pour
veritable, tous les contes que l'on fait souvent des pays
24. Same, pp. xviii - xix.
25. Tieje, A. J., The Ijxpressed Critical Theory of European
Prose Fiction before 1740 , ch. III.
26. Same, pg. 46.
In the year between the appearanco of the English version
of L ' Historic den :jevcrambes and that of the French two other
Utopias wore issued. In England Joseph Glanvil in Essay VII
of Ant i fanatical Religion arid 'Pree Philosophy continued the ::ow
Atlantis of Francis Bacon. This essay is chiefly an explanation
of the Atlantean religious system, which appears to be nothing-
more than an latitudinarian Anglicanism, purged of all sectarian-
ism with its attendant abuses and prejudices. This church
has also rejected slavish adherence to the Aristotelean philosophy
and especially to the Iloorish perversions of it, and in its r>lace
has adopted Descartes' mechanical system of physiology as an in-
genious explanation, needing, however, the complement of Plato's
vitalising principles. Later "their principles of logic, meta-
physics, moral philosophy, mathematics, etc., are discussed".
It appears, nevertheless, that this was not the only such con-
tinuation which Glanvil wrote; for Mr. Crossley in his Diary
and Correspondence of Dr . -Vorthington says that he possessed
a manuscript by Glanvil entitled: Bensalem ; being a Description
of a Catholic and Free Spirit both in Religion and Learning ; in
a Continuation of the Story of Lord Bacon 1 s " Tew Atlantis " . The
manuscript concludes with a series of characters of contemporary
divines so that it cannot be the same as the Es s ay . The piece,
Grossley says, is superior to the continuation in the Ant i -
fanatical Religion .
27. Glanvil was an ardent adherent of the Established Church.
28. This summary is based upon that of Mr. Begley, rova Solyma ,
vol. II, pp. 374 - 376. The information which follows is
from the same source.
29. Vol. I, pg. 214.
In Prance at the same time Gabriel Poigny if sued at
Geneva Leg Avinturo? de Jacques Sad our ; while in the same year
the same hook wap published at Vannes under a different title
and with Nicholas Sadeur as the author.^ ?he first of these
was reissued at Paris in 1692, and translated into English the
Poigny 's efforts to rrain verisimilitude, as well as the
date of his book, mark him as a near relative of Vairasse.
Jacques Sadeur is preceded by a Preface , the aim of which, like
that of L 'Histoire des Severances , is to ?rain credence on the
part of the reader, although it is by no means so elaborate an
invention. The chief reliance is upon citations of authorities
who have given testimony which will corroborate the narrative.
Foigny also uses the manuscript trick, assering that the story
has been unknown up to the present because it was in the pos-
session of a cabinet minister, and has been available for publi-
cation only since his death. Other and more original means of
gaining verisimilitude are also employed. After tellin"- of the
marvellous sheep and fish which he saw on a trip up the River
Zair in Africa, Sadeur says: "I took care to inform myself
concerning the crocodiles which historians say exist in great
numbers throughout this region, but nobody could understand
what I meant; whereupon I concluded that the tales of those
30. See Bibliography under Poigny, Mr. P.egley, Nova Solyma ,
vol. II, pg. 363, takes them to be separate works,
giving 1692 as the date of Jacques Sadeur .
! 31. B'oigny, Gabriel, Les Avantures de Jacques Sadeur . 1692,
pp. 43 - 46.
animals are only pleasant inventions". This statement is
followed "by a lonr tirade against authors who do not tr-u'el
"but stay at hone and write arm-chair descriptions of strange
countries. A device with a similar purpose is his explanation
as to why Australia has never become known to the rest of the
world. The seas about it are, with the exception of a few
channels, so shallow that no ships can approach it; moreover, the
inhabitants are very ferocious and slay all who land on their
coasts — Sadeur himself bein£ spared only because of his
prodigious bravery*^ 3 and his hermaphroditic nature.
Another element in the Jacques Sadeur , important because
it tends to emphasize the autobiographical character of the
voyage inagi naire , is the preliminary narrative. This part of
the story tells that Jacques Sadeur was born at sea, that his
parents were drowned in a shipwreck off the coast of Portugal,
that he was adopted by a Portuguese family, that his godfather
sought to kidnap him, that he was again shipwrecked, that the
Count de Villafranca adopted him into his household after he
had been reared by the Jesuits, that he was carried off by
pirates, and that he was rescued by the captain of the ship which
afterward went down in the Indian Ocean. It proceeds with
Sadeur 's discoveries in Africa and with his voyage around the
Cape of Good Hope into the South Sea where occurred the storm
32. Foigny, Gabriel, Les Avantures de Jacques Sadeur , 1692,
pg. 47: "Je m" informal avec beau coup de soin oti etoient
les crocodilles que les historiens net tent en p-ran&e
quantite en ces quartiers; raais on ne put pas m&me deviner
ce que je voulois dire, ce que me fit croire que ce ne
sont que des contes faits a plaisir'.
I 33. Same, Preface and pp. 62 ff. of narrative.
which cast him upon the coast of Australia. Hero, as in tho
Han in tho T loono and L ' Histoiro doc ijev o rambes , wo have biographic
detail, hut in neither of the other two is thero -inythinr ap-
proaching the completeness of Foigny's narrative .' ,4 This practice
is of further importance since in the later voyages it became
the custom to give a more or less full history of the hero's
life before his real adventure began. The reason for this is
probably two-fold. Authors doubtless felt that such circum-
stantiality gave the hero a more tangible personality and so
rendered belief in the story more likely; and they probably
realized, also, that it gave to the narrative a rounded, complete-
ness which there could not be as long as the opening remained
abrupt as in the Oivitas Solis and the Hew Atlantis ♦
After the wreck mentioned in the preceding paragraph
Sadeur, clinging to a plank, was cast upon the shore of an island,
but was quickly driven thence by ferocious beasts which even
pursued him into the water. Still supporting himself by means
of his board, he took refuge upon another and smaller island,
which immediately moved off through the sea; but a new danger
now threatened in the vicious attacks of some huge carnivorous
birds, one of which by chance clawed the island, whereupon it
sank, being in reality a whale. Sadeur, now driven to despera-
tion, his plank gone, managed to wound one of the birds with
his knife, and relieved of his enemies, succeeded in reaching
the nearby coast of Australia, where some tall and fair men,
34. Uore tolls comparatively little about Hythlo&ay. Carrpanella
and Bacon give no account of their travellers whatsoever.
Andreae and Hall simply say that they went on a journey.
who had been interested spectators of the combat, immediately
took him prisoner. At first they wished to kill hin, but ob-
serving him to be an hermaphrodite like themselves and having
seen an exhibition of his courage, they snared him.
Australia, he learned, was a country containing about
9,375,000 square miles. It is divided into fifteen thousand
sezains , each of which is in turn subdivided into sixteen
quart iers , twenty-five hous es contributing a quar t ier , and four
persons occupying a house . Property is common, but the details
of the practice are not described. Government in the accented
sense there is none; for the Australians look upon all such
institutions as a perversion of the natural order. ^ Education
is carried on at the Haab , or collere, to which children are
presented at birth, and which conducts their education from the
time they are weaned at the age of two until they reach their
thirty-fifth year. The first year the child studies lanp-uap-e
and the elements of philosophy; by the tenth year he can read,
and by fourteen he has completed his linguistic studies. From
that age until twent- he occupies himself with serious philosophic
study. For the five following years astronomy demands his at-
tention, while the years from twenty -eight to thirty are given
over to the consideration of history. From the a?re of thirty
to that of thirty- five the young persons may discuss any subject
excent religion, for the Australians think that it is folly to
seek a knowledge of the incomprehensible and the infinite. After
completing this course the student is made a "lieutenant" at
35. The actual area of Australia is 2,946,358 square miles.
36. The book does not appear to have been meant as a satire, but
there are here as elsewhere throughout it comparisons with
tho Haab ; and if by the tine he is sixty, a vacancy occurs
through a master's death, the novitiate is promoted. In order
that there shall he no decrease in population the law denands
that each r>erson present at least one child to the Haa b .
Death the Australians believe to be a happy release from
life; and they think that after it the soul, which is a universal
spirit ( Genie ) , enters into another being 1 , but the order of as-
cension in the transmigration is not made clear. Beinp herma-
phrodites, they believe that such persons alone are made in the
divine image, and that they are the descendants of three men
whom the supreme being created at one breath; they think, also,
that all unisexual beings are the offspring of twins born to
Eve after her intercourse with the seruent. Love, other than
purest friendship, between two individuals they do not them-
selves know, and sexual attraction as Sadeur explains it to
them they cannot understand. Their views are explained in a
lecture delivered to the hero by a master of the Haab . ''Our
Stove", he says in part, ''is neither carnal nor bestial -- each
of us suffices wholly for himself; in our state there is nothing
needed for our happiness or contentment". This absence of
animal -passion makes also, according to their theory, for more
healthy children; and their freedom from physical ills is further
attributed to their temperance in the matter of food and drink.
37. Jacques Sadeur , 1692, pg. 124: "Notre amour n'a rien de
cKarneTT ni de brutal, nous nous suffisons pleinemen
a nousmemes, et nous n'avons besoin de rien pour etr
heureux, et vivre contents, comme nous faissons".
The Australian language used for conversation consists of
signs, Although there is an articulate speech which is em-
ployed in reading aloud. The language itself is very simple.
All verbs follow one conjugation;^ there are no declensions
and no articles. The five vowels represent the five simple
nouns from which all others are built up: A = fire, E at air,
I = water, = salt, U = earth. Their thirty-six consonantr
represent adjectives, and these are combined with the nouns to
express complex ideas.
The fauna of the country is marvellous but not abundant.
A pig-like beast which roots up the ground in straight line,
Sadeur suggests, might be imported into ourope to replace plows;
and another animal with a head like a horse and the body of a
camel might, he says, be useful at home because of its ability
to carry burdens. There is, also, a sort of ape which is very
fond of the Australians, and dies of nostalgia if it is removed
far from them. The chief species of birds are two in number.
One is the large ferocious kind which attacked Sadeur while he
was in the sea, and the other is a small kind which warns men
of the others approach.
The Australians themselves are fierce and merciless in
battle, exterminating their enemies to the last man, and ever
ready to accept the gage of battle and to give it. This cruelty
38. Gf. Cyrano de Bergerac's vulvar moon language.
39. The following is the conjuration of the verb as (to love):
Pres. Pret. Fut .
la 11a lga llga Ida 11 da
pa ppa pga ppga pda ppda
ma mma mga mmga mda mmda
40. Jacques Sadeur , 1692, pp. 218*220.
is, in part, the cause of Sadeur's disfavor rnionf* then; for
having joined then in an assault upon a neighboring island, he
showed mercy to several women. In addition to this crime he
had also at one tine proposed sexual intercourse to an Australian.
For these perversions in his nature he was condemned to eat an
olive-like fruit which causes death if taken in sufficient
quantities, this painless execution being the only sort practiced
by them. Fearing just such an issue Sadeur had caught, tamed,
and trained one of the large birds; upon its back he now fled,
reaching Madagascar after a toilsome journey, and returning home
from that place.
In general Foigny's book resembles that of Vairasse; in
fact the resemblance is so great at times as to be suspicious.
Both locate their ideal states in la terre Australe . Both rive
ingenious explanations as to why their nations are unknown to
the rest of the world although Vairasse follows the traditional
conception of Bacon, while Foisrny furnishes a new one in the
ferocity and sexual prejudice of his people, and the shallowness
of the sea around the island. Both authors have a pretended
manuscript which they claim to have edited. Both have Prefaces
which are designed to gain verisimilitude, but in this respect
Vairasse ! s invention is superior to Foigny's. Both, also,
present similar features of government and state regulation
although Vairasse is more circumstantial in this respect, and
Foigny more original. Both discuss the language of their
nations, in this elaborating for the first time upon the hint
dropped by More when he created a Utopian alphabet and "iiij
meters" in that tongue. Both have, furthermore, turned the
vo y a ftp imaglnairp into a story whereas formerly it had been,
pzoept with Cyrano, an impersonal exposition of an ideal held
"by the author.
Foigny, however, was not entirely unoriginal. He makes
much more of the preliminary narrative than did Vairasse. T Iis
government is the most purely anarchistic known in any Utopia.
His people, too, are in their nature an entirely new sort in
the voyage imafinaire , and the lore element is far more important
with him than with any of his predecessors; it is, in fact, much
more decisively than with vairasse or Cyrano de Berfrerac the
direct cause of the hero's return to I-Jurope. Why Foipny should
have introduced so many salacious details and have written at
length in defence of a sexual peculiarity cannot be said with
certainty. He himself was, beyond doubt, the victim of a morbid
sexual obsession; for the chief biographical detail known con-
cerning him is that he was expelled from the Geneva ministry
because of his relations with a loose woman whom he afterward
married. But whatever may be the peculiarity of his work,
Foigny must share with Vairasse the honor of having made the
voyage imagiiiaire which aims to depict an ideal state, a story
as well as a political, religious, or educational tract.
The subject matter of R. S.'s. Travels of ^uevedo (1684)
has already been noted in the discussion of Hall's Hun flu s Alter
It Idem. But the ?refacp deserves attention here because it
41. Ilichaud, J. F. & L. G . , Biographi e Universelle , article on
Fo i gnv .
42. See. ch. III.
continues the tr-idition begun by Vairasse and T'oigny about a
decade "before. ?he chief means by which the author Reeks to
gain the reader's belief is the pretence of a discovered manu-
script. He tells that arriving at Bilboa he found the document
in question in a chandler's shop where it was being used for
wrapping pat>er; and as it was about to take "post" for "Land of
Oblivion", he redeemed it "from the Tooth of time, and very Paw
of Destruction". I.Iuch of it had already been destroyed, especially
those parts which might have indicated the date and author of the
book, "except in one place where was so Remaining thus much of
the I.Iouse-eaten Author, Don Q . " ?his"Don Q . " the author con-
cludes must be either Quevedo or ?uixot ; and he decides in favor
of the former because Quevedo had travelled through the interior
of the earth in his dreams^ and so might be allowed to journey
on its surface in his waking hours, and because "the Spanish
was excellently Smooth and Eloquent in which our elaborate Don
was the Nonsuch". Besides, he tells that the manuscript bears
unmistakable signs of having been "Written with a Cloven Hoof",
a proof that the author of these travels has "such intimacy
with the Infernals" as was permitted only to Quevedo. *:ore im-
portant than this hoax, however, is a statement, new in the
history of the voyage imagi naire , but old in that of -nrose
fiction. "Preambles and Allegories, have been used in Sacred
frit; yet not censured as Romantick; and though this Peregrina-
tion is represented in the Nature of a Romance; it is only an
intently Delightful Vanity, to Please and Convince at the same
43. Quevedo, Francisco, Visions (1607 - 1627) and Voyages
Recreatif s ~i ~
time, Orano tulit punctun qui niscuit utile dr. lei , profitable
things intermixed with delightful arc captivating". For the
first tine the voyage imaginaire ir apologizing for ninglinr
pleasure with profit. Before 1684 there had "been little need
for that; the works of More, Campanella, Andreae, and Paeon
were obviously serious, and even those of Vairasse and Foigny
had, in spite of their entertaining narrative, much solid matter.
Hall, too, had professed a moral aim, and Cyrano had in him
more than met the eye. G-odwin alone seems to have had no
"ulterior mirnone". How, hoever, the amalgamation of the ^ ova re
imaginaire with other forms of prose fiction seems to be comnlete.
It has become a story; and, like the novel, it professes to
aim at a combination of pleasure and instruction.
In 1692 appeared at London an English version of Gabriel
Daniel's Voyage du T'onde de Descartes (1690), and two years
later T. Taylor brought out another translation with the title
V oyage to the 'orld of the Cartesians . The author of the French
original was Jesuit priest whose main duty to his order seems
to have been the writing of polemic and philosophical works,
among which, apart from that under consideration here, his
Entretiens de Cleandre et d 'Sudoxe sur les Lettres Provinciales
(1694) is the most important. Daniel's philosophical studies
are attested by his mammoth collection Recueil des ouvrares
philosophiques , theoloerique s , apolog-ctiques et critiques (1724).
i No wonder, then, that this Jesuit with sharp polemic tonrue and
| extended knowledge of metaphysics should have been the man to-
sound the charm against the aetheistic Cartesians and the
rallying cry o Aquinasian Aristoteleanism.
According to the author's statement, hit design is "to
shew that commonly what (Descartes) writes of particular
matters, is inconsistent with the whole" — an aim presumably
not far different from that of Fontaines' Relation flu pays flos
jansenie (1660) which I have not seen. The idea is an important
one in the history of tho voyage irnagi naire , for it marks a
new departure of the tyne into philosophic criticism. Hereto-
fore the voyage had been bent to the purposes of satire — liter-
ary, moral, or philosophic; but it had not as yet been used to
make palatable a serious attack upon a serious theory. Taylor
says in his dedicatory epistle to James Ludfort that herein
"Philosophy is divested of the Stiffness and Iloroeeness of the
Schools, and has assum'd the Garb and Air of a more ingenuous
Education than ordinary. Here is something, Sir, that will
entertain your Philosophical Minutes, and something that will
quicken those design 'd for your Diversion; and all so mixt and
temper 'd, that the Author seems still to have kept his Eye on
those two main ends, Pleasing and Instructing". It is true
that this is only an elaboration of the idea expressed by R. s.
in his Preface to Quevedo 's Travels ; but R, S. was dealing with
moral satire, Taylor with philosophic criticism. The voyage ,
like other forms of fiction, has taken to defending its esthetic
qualities by proclaiming' its serious intent.
The book, as has been said, is uhilosophic satire; but
in the following summary no attempt will be made to consider the
metaphysical argument; merely the story is presented since the
method and not the matter is of interest here. The author, an
opponent of Cartesian philosophy, happens to meet an old gentle-
man who is a believer in it. This person assures the writer
that Descartes is not dead, but that being possessed of a secret
power whereby the soul could be liberated from the body for
desired periods, he frequently made such extra-corporeal excur-
sions until one time the soul on its return found the body in
a state unfit for its reception, and so flew off to interstellar
space where it has ever since resided. So enthusiastic v/as he
to prove this that he offered to take the author for a visit to
the learned philosopher. The invitation having been accepted,
the powder was administered, a dv/arf left to care for the body
until the writer's return, and the journey begun in company with
the gentleman and Father Mersennus. Their first halt was on the
top of a tower where they held a discussion of Descartes theory
of motion and force. Having soared thence into space, the party
met Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, the last of whom plunged at
once into a long harangue against the Cartesian principles, but
at the close he rushed off before Father Kersennus could reply.
They next entered the Moon which is represented as divided a-
mong the various philosophers who formerly lived on this earth,
the author seizing the opportunity to take a fling at Cyrano de
Bergerac by explaining that the latter 1 s account of that planet
is untrue because the disembodied spirits which inhabit it had
conspired together to deceive him during his visit there, j n
the Moon the party saw the walls of Plato T s republic, but were
not allowed to enter; Aristotle's state, however, they found
to be very magnificent. On their going thence, they were ac-
oompanied by an embassy which was to seek an alliance with the
Cartesians. Resuming the way, they met a Chinese Mandarin to
whom Mersennus had formerly given a copy of Descartes' Demonstra-
tion of the Existence of God . The oriental now confessed that he
had been converted to Christianity through the instrumentality
of the book; but he hastened to add, greatly to the chagrin of
Father Mersennus, that the cause of the conversion was hearing
Descartes' contentions refuted by a disciple of Thomas Aquinas.
After this confession, the Mandarin, like Aristotle hurried away
before answer could be made. Soon afterward they reached the
dwelling place of Descartes, and the Peripetetic ambassadors
presented their terms of alliance which were summarily rejected
by the Frenchman. A long discussion of contemporary philosophic
criticism was then started by Descartes' inquiry as to his recep-
tion in the world. To explain the theory of vortices ho
created a world for his visitors. The return journey to the
Earth was made without mishap; but on entering his body again
the author's soul found that the dwarf had so disarranged his
ideas that he had become an ardent disciple of Cartesianism.
Blis friends, however, soon won him back to orthodoxy; and at
the end of the book he was so far recovered from his heresy as
to address a letter to Descartes containing some pertinent
inquiries regarding the system.
Daniel added little, if anything, to the actual
practice of the voyage imaginaire , except to give it a more
serious tone and to proclaim the virtue of uniting pleasure and
jprofit. Cyrano de Bergerac preceded him in making the narrative
a vehicle for philosophic satire; and the satirical voyage, which
I is as old as Lucian, whom Daniel mentions in his General View of
1 the Whole Work, had been revived in Daniel's own century by
I Hall and his imitators, as well as by Cyrano whom Daniel intro-
I duces into his book. Lucian, Godwin, and Cyrano had, also, told
i of journeys to the moon; and although Daniel's explanation of the
h manner of the journey is more plausible than those of his prede-
■cessors, even it is not convincingly probable. R. 3., too, had
■ said in his Preface briefly all that Daniel says more at length
■about mingling amusement with instruction; and the doctrine was
■o common among writers of prose fiction that it cannot be con-
I sidered original even in R. S. Daniel's book is, however, the
■first in which the really serious element overshadows the more
B frivolous. Hall and his imitators and translators made their
work too racy to be really effective as moral purgatives; Cyrano
was too vague and too flippant to have had any corrective effect
! on the minds of men; Daniel, on the other hand, is primarily
interested in demonstrating the fallacies of the Cartesian system.
But later writers, because of the inadaptibility of the voyage
to Daniel's purposes, chose to follow after Lucian, Hall, and
Cyrano; and Daniel's influence, consequently, is practically nil.
This same period produced other and lesser voyages
imaginaires . which, since they have not been available for the
purposes of this study, can here be afforded only a brief mention.
In 1666 Llargaret Duchess of Newcastle published the Blazing '.'/or Id ,
•which seems to have been popular enough to be reprinted in 1688.
| The story tells that a young lady, while gathering shells along
the sea-shore, was carried off by an amorous merchant; but the
vessel upon which the escape was made, was driven toward the
North Pole, and thence attracted toward the Pole of another and
nearby world. The cold, which was doubled by the proximity of
the two poles, caused the deaths of all except the lady, who was
rescued by kindly bear-men and escorted to the palace of the
emperor, a wonderful house built of gold and diamonds. The em-
peror, of course, married the lady, and then sent for Margaret
of Newcastle, "a plain and rational writer" to be her tutor. The
book then diverges into a philosophical discussion. Eleven
years after the reprint of this work Der Wohlgerichtete Staat
Ophir was printed anonymously at Leipzig, which according to Mr.
Begley's summary is a Utopia and not a voyage imaginaire Daniel
Defoe in 1705 "found time to compose and publish his dull political
allegory The Consolidator " , 46 During the same year this work was
continued in A Journey to the Moon , A Second and More trange
Journey to the Moon , and A Letter from the Man in the Moon to
the Author of the " True Eorn Englishman" . Tyssot's Voyage et
Aventures de Jacques . isse (1710) I have not seen, but Desfon-
taine's casual reference to it^ would seem to indicate that it
belongs in the same class with Foigny's Jacques Sadeur . Montes-
quieu's Histoire des Troglodites , published in the Lettres Per sane s
is included in Gamier T s collection of Voyages Imaginaires : 48 but
44. V/hitraore, Clara H. , Women's Work in Enc-lish Fiction , 1910,
.45. II ova Solyma . vol. II, pp. 382 - 384.
46. Trent, V/. P., Camb ridge History of English Literature , vol. IX.
47. Preface to his translation of Gulliver's Travels , Ve — - cg Pmag -
, vol. XIV, pg. xxii. The hero's name Is sometimes
48. Vol. X, pp. 213 - 222.
it is simply the description 6f an imaginary state — there is
no journey. Tyssot de Patot's La Vie, les Avail tures . et le
Voyage de Groenland du Reverend Pere Cordelier Pierre de Mesonge
(1720) I suspect to be historical, Chetwood's Voyages of Richard
Micr (17^0) is very likely not dissimilar to his Adventures
of Captain Robert Boyle or else to Defoe's Captain Singleton ;
tut I should suppose more likely to the former.
A backward glance over the period will at once reveal
that not all men in it are equally important or equally influen-
tial. Montpensier, d'Aubignac, and Tallement ; ad descendants
in the following century, but the posterity, like the parents,
have remained obscure and neglected. Glanvil's religious in-
terest did not carry him beyond his day; and while the original
of the II ew Atlantis survives, the continuation is all but un-
known. Barnes, likewise, contributed little to the type; his
dwarfs may have suggested those of Swift, but pigmies in one
form or another v/ere known in fiction long before 1675; and his
attempt to gain verisimilitude was not only old fashioned in his
day, but was overshadowed by the more successful efforts of more
talented men. Cyrano de Bergerac, the first great figure of
the period, did, however, have a real influence. To him later
authors owe suggestions for making the voyage imarinaire satiric
of philosophical ideas and of man's conception of himself; and
to him also is owing a revival of interest in carrying the
traveller into places not of this earth. Individual writers,
moreover, borrowed from him individual details; but these can
best be discussed in the next chapter. Vairasse made a still
more original contribution to the development not only of the
voyage imaginaire . but to that of prose fiction as a whole. His
Utopian ideas are not essentially different from those of his
predecessors, but he first made the Robinsonade element an in-
tegral part of those voyages imaginaires which dealt with the sea.
His Preface t moreover, is the first to present an elaborate and
carefully worked out scheme for the purpose of creating verisimil-
itude. Foigny's influence was along similar lines, although his
Preface is not so pretentious as Vairasse's, and is built after
the more conventional pattern of Barnes and Godwin. He does, how-
ever, introduce into the body of the narrative many details which
are designed to force the reader's belief — a practice not fre-
quent before him but common after him. All three of these men
helped, furthermore, to make the voyage more of a story, and to
give the hero something of a personality although he is still
:not drawn in detail. They also introduce into the story for the
first time love episodes which have a more or less vital connection
with the main thread of the narrative — a custom probably borrowed
[from other types of prose fiction. In each case, also, the love
element has some influence in causing the hero to depart for his
native land. 3 Daniel at the end of the period added nothing new,
except to turn the voyage imaginaire to more serious purposes
than had his predecessors; but later authors chose to keep serious
philosophical discussion within the bounds of imaginative restraint
49. Cyrano flees from the Iloon because of the persistent court-
ing of the lady-in-waiting: Siden gets homesick after
his wives' deaths; and Sadeur is sentenced to death for
evincing carnal desires.
En general, then, it is clear that the voyage imaftinai re has
established itself as a medium not only for the presentation of
ttopian ideas, but for those of any other kind as well; that it
pas become true fiction v/ith something of character portrayal,
[Love interest, and narrative suspense; and that authors of the
type have seen the necessity for a careful effort to force be-
lief, and have supplied it.
THE VOYAGE IMAGINAIRE PROM SWIFT TO WALKER
(1726 - 1799)
When the second quarter of the eighteenth century opened,
the voyage imaginaire had already he come a story, and this char-
acter is maintained throughout the whole of the new period. Pure
story forms appeared although as yet they did not "become numerous;
for the "ulterior purpose" which the narrative had always had,
was still retained — the famous voyages of the century, Swift's,
Desfontaine 's, and Holberg's, being satires. The Utopias, how-
ever, were less numerous and often less serious. The Robinsonade
element, too, now became yet more important than it had in the
previous half-century, practically every voyage making use of
this device, because of the tremendous and widespread popularity
of Def oe ' s Robinson Crusoe ( 1719 ) .
Two of these developments are illustrated in the first
voyage imaginaire of the new period; for the anonymous Relation
d 'un Voyage du Pole Arctique au Pole Ant arctique par le Centre
du Llonde (1723) is a pure story form of the voyage containing
Robinsonade characteristics. As are all other books of the type
it is autobiographic, the author-hero representing himself as
a traveller of wide experience who has, for the sake of new ad-
venture, shipped from Amsterdam on a Greenland whaler. The ship
was caught in a current and carried ranidly toward the North Pole
where it plunged into an abyss and finally emerged at the op-
posite extremity of the earth. The rest of the Btory is occupied
with a description of wonderful sights, such as the fish with
golden tails that swim head downward in the whirlpool at the
North Pole, vari-colored meteors, ice mountains, cold surinps,
caverns breathing forth hot air, huge sandbanks, boiling seas,
and curious spots of hot and cold earth. Great toads with pale
blue crests, black snails with green shells, and eagles both
green and brown furnish the travellers further thrills. No
people were discovered although ruined walls and a curious temple
suggested traces of a lost race. The ship in time reached the
Cape of Good Hope whence it cleared for Amsterdam where it ar-
This voyage is obviously unimportant in the history of
the type. There is in it no human interest, and the marvels
are too perfunctorily described to excite the reader's imagina-
tion. If Paltock knew it, as there is no record that he did,
it may have suggested to him the idea of locating his nation of
winged folk at the South Pole, and the current which rushes to-
ward the end of the earth; but other than that it could have
had no influence upon him, for the two books are utterly unlike
in all other respects. The Relation appears not to have been re-
issued, and is preserved, it seems, only in Garnier's Voyages
The year 1726, however, saw the publication of the most
considerable English voyage imaginaire Qver produced — Swift's
1. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XIX, pp. 367 - 414.
Gulliver's Travels, or as the original title page read^ Travels
Into Several Remote nations of the World , in Pour Parts, bv_
Captain Lemuel Gulliver . The work at once pained popularity.
Six re-issues took place before the close of 1727, and by 1747
a fifth edition had been printed. L'Abbe Desfontaine translated
the work into French almost immediately upon its appearance; but
treatod it so freely and in his Preface made such derogatory
remarks about the author that he roused Swift's ire and had to
make a retraction. An anonymous French version printed at The
Hague receded that of Desfontaine and a Dutch translation also
appeared at that city in 1727. In England the literary public
was taken by storm. The joint letter from Pope and Gay to
Swift tells of enthusiastic reception given the book even by the
politicians; and another from the Barl of Peterborough "confirms
the fact that the language of Gulliver had captivated the imagin-
ation of the public." Even when Lady Mary V/ortley Montagu wrote
in detraction of the volume, she could do no less than say; "Here
is a book come out, that all our people of taste run mad about."
Gulliver ' s Travels is a direct outgrowth of its author's
misanthropic nature. In 1720 or thereabout when he began the
composition of the work the disappointment at his repeated fail-
ures to gain political and church preferment sat heavy upon him.
Queen Anne having taken offence at the satirical gibes in the
Tale of the Tub , Swift had to remain content with a Deanery when
he had hoped for a Bishopric. At Temple's death the Zing con-
i. Dennis, G. R . , editor, Prose Works of Johnathan Swift , 1899,
vol. VIII, Introduction , pp. xxi - xxii .
3. Same, pp. xvii - xx. The following quotations are taken
from this source.
veniontly forgot the promises he had made to look out for Swift's
promotion, and again the brilliantly capable younr man had to
sit by while others of lesser ability were elevated above him.
Not all his genius seemed able to outweigh the mere talent of
his competitors. In addition to bearing this load of disappoint-
ment, Swift suffered greatly from a disease, painful even though
intermittent as yet, but prophesying darkly for the future. A
keen and bitter wit lighted up the pages of the first parts of
Gulliver ; a somber madness stains those of the last. I T ature
and misfortune seem to have combined in Swift to make him pen
at once the keenest satire on the human race and the blackest
libel ever charged against mankind.
The contents of the work are too well known to require
a summary here; but it may be pointed out that Swift in each
of the four books makes use of the Robinsonade method, or some
variation of it, to get Gulliver into a strange land. In Book
I the captain is shipwrecked off the coast of Lilliput, and
reaches shore only after efforts similar to those exerted by
Kobinson Crusoe. A storm carries the ship into unknown seas in
Book II, and Gulliver is abandoned by his frightened comrades
on the shores of Brobdingnag. In Book III he is cast adrift;
and in Book IV a conspiracy among his crew causes him to be set
ashore in the land of the Houyhnhnms . Such detail suggests that
Swift was influenced by Defoe's Robinson Crusoe which appeared
just before the composition of the Travels during Swift's
"exile" in Ireland during the years 1720 to 1726. They would
seem to indicate, also, that he knew the works of Vairasse and
Dennis, G. R. , Introduction , pp. i - ii; and Poll, Max, The
Sources of Gulliver's Trav els, Publications of the Univer-
sity of Cincinnati, Ser. II, vol. Ill, pg. 1.
tfoigny; and it is not unlikely that he had some acquaintance with
the contemporary literature of the sea which v/as full of just
such adventu res . ^
To trace in detail all of Swift's borrowings would, of
course, be a task in itself; and most of them have already been
pointed out by his editors and commentators. The satire had its
inception in the project of the Scriblerus Club v/hich proposed to
write the Memoirs of ilartinus Scriblerus , a wrongheaded pedant
who persisted in dabbling in^ all sorts of sciences even when
he was most ignorant of them. In the conclur'inp chapter of
this work is contained the outline of Gulliver . According to it
"in his first voyage (scriblerus) was carried by a prosperous
storm to a discovery of the remnants of the ancient pygmean em-
pire"; "in his second, ho was happily shipwrecked on the land of
Giants, now the most humane people in the world"; "in his third
voyage, he discovered the whole nation of philosophers, who
govern by mathematics"; and "in his fourth voyage, he discovery
a vein of melancholy proceeding almost to a disgust of the
species". 7 It is pretty certain, also, that the Lilliputians
were suggested to Swift by Philostratus, 8 although he may also
have known Barnes 1 Gerania ; and that the giants of Brobdingnag
were borrowed from Cyrano de Bergerac's huge beings in L 'Etat
5. Dennis, G. R • , Introduction , pg. xxiii - xxiv.
6. Published 1741.
7. Pope, Alexander, Works, edition 1806, vol. VI, pp. 171 ff.
See also G. R. Dennis, Prose Works of Johnathan Swift , Intro -
duction , pg. i; and I lax Poll, Sources of Gulliver's Travels ,
8. Scott, Walter, Wo rks of Johnathan Swi ft , second edition, 1824,
vol. XI, pg. 7. See also Max Poll, Sources of Gulliver 's
Travels , pg. 6.
de la Lune . 9 Other materials borrowed from Cyrano de Bergerac
are the general contempt shown for mankind in the Frenchman's
L'Etat de la Lune and L'Histoire des Oiseaux. This latter work,
beyond doubt, also is, I believe, the patter^ for his fierce
satire in the last voyage of Gulliver, although Poll thinks that
Swift there borrowed from Godwin's Man in the Moone . 10 Another
suggestion made by Poll is that the idea for this journey may have
been taken from Diodorus 1 summary of Iambulos; but he confesses
the lack of evidence. 11 The mountebank performance, the love
incident, the discussion of the hero's rationality, and the con-
clusion that he is some sort of an animal, or at best an abortion
are common, likewise, to the first part of Cyrano de Bergerac 's
work and the second part of Swift's. Poll thinks, furthermore,
that the method by which Gulliver extinguished the fire in Lilli-
put is taken from Rabelais.
Yet however much incident the famous Dean of St. Patrick's
may have borrowed, he still holds by his originality a high place
' in the development of the voyage imaginaire . Before him imaginary
states had been described for their excellence; before him satiri-
cal voyages had been written narrating the hero's experiences in
strange lands; but he, for the first time, combined the two in the
voyage to Brobdingnag. Likewise he was the first author of the
voyage imaginaire to describe allegoric ally the state of contem-
porary society as it is reflected in Lilliput, although Hall had
done something similar in those portions of the Mundus Alter et
Idem which ridicule Germany. The Dean, however, is much more
! 9. Poll, Max, Sources of Gulliver 1 s Travels , pp. 10 ff .
10. Same, pp. 20 - 21.
11. Same, pp. 22 - 23.
1112. Same, pg. 8,
exact and specific in his satire than is the Bishop, it being
possible to identify almost every incident in Gulliver's first
adventure with one at the court of Queen Anne. Such a practice
rendered great service to the satirical type of the voyage imagin -
aire ; for whereas in Hall the attack was of a general nature
and in Cyrano de Bergerac so vague as to lose much of its force,
in Swift it is direct and trenchant. The object upon which his
wrath falls can never be mistaken. We know that in Parts I and
II European politics are being dissected; we know that in Part
III pedantry of a clearly defined sort is being ridiculed; we
know that in Part IV all of Swift's misanthropy and hatred of
mankind are on display. The effect of this new development upon
the imaginary voyage is seen in Swift's immediate descendants —
Desfontaine, Brunt, Holberg, Bethune, and Houmier.
Of equal importance are Swift's innovations in the art of
gaining verisimilitude. His preface is, of course, done according
to the tradition of Vairasse; for in spi£e of his insinuation
that he had not "so far degenerated as to defent his veracity", 1 ^
the Letter from Captain Gulliver to his Cousin Sympson as well
as the address of the publisher to the reader have no other aim
than establishing the truth of the narrative. In the latter we
are assured that Captain Gulliver "now lives retired, yet in good
esteem among his neighbors", that "in the churchyard at Banbury
several tombs and monuments of the Gullivers" may be observed,
and that "the author was so distinguished for his veracity, that
it became a sort of proverb among his neighbors at Redriff , to
13. Dennis, G. R. , Prose Works , vol. VIII, pg. 9.
14. Dated April 2, 1727. First printed in Faulkner's edition,
say it was as true as if Mr. Gulliver had spoke it"." LL ' And to
warn off nautical critics the publisher announces that he alone
is responsible for any errors in "sea-affairs" since he "made
bold to strike out innumerable passages" dealing with such
matters. The letter voices a series of complaints against
cousin Sympson for altering the meaning of many parts, and against
the printer for being "so careless as to confound the times, and
mistake the dates of of my several voyages and returns; neither
assigning the true year, or the true month, or day of the month" .
And correction is prevented because "the original manuscript is
all destroyed, since the publication of my book". Similar
testimony had been offered long before 1727; Swift is here doing
only what his predecessors did.
The task of gaining verisimilitude could not, however, stop
with a preface in the case of Gulliver. As long as the author
had to create belief in the existence only of an imaginary state
peopled with beings not essentially different from the men and
women of Europe, the efforts of More and Vairasse were sufficient.
When, however, the inhabitants as well as the country were
fundamentally unlike those familiar to Europeans, the task of
gaining the reader's credence became more difficult. The mind
that accepted the Utopians or the Severambians as real was likely
to reject pigmies and giants and rational horses as fantastic.
Swift was, of course, not the first to enter this realm of the
imagination; but, as we have seen, neither Godwin nor Cyrano de
Bergerac made any extended effort to force belief. Poigny with
Dennis, G. R. , Prose Works, vol. VIII, pg. 3.
16. Same, pg. 4.
17. Same, pg. 7.
18. Same, pg. 7.
this end in view did incorporate some details into his narrative,
such as the shallowness of the waters around Australia and the
vindictive cruelty of his hermaphrodites toward all uni-sexual
persons; yet even his people differ in no essential regard ex-
cept that of sex from those of other nations. And Barnes who
first treats of a little people relies solely upon the cita-
tion of authority. Swift, on the other hand, gains verisimili-
tude by careful exactness of detail. His Lilliputians do not
differ from Europeans except in height; but when he shortens the
stature of the people, he decreases the size of all other things
in Lilliput; in Brobdingnag all things are enlarged in proportion
to the height of the inhabitants; and in the land of the
Houyhnhnms food and shelter are such as horses everywhere are
supplied with. Furthermore, the autobiographical element, which
in the earlier Utopias, such as More f s Campanella's , Andreae's,
and Bacon's, had been largely, if not entirely, ignored, and
which in the works of Vairasse and Foigny was chiefly used as
introductory material, became in Swift not only a large but
even an integral part of the story. Even more than with L'His -
toire des Severambes it cannot be removed without destroying
the whole work; and the result is, to quote Mr. Moriarty, that
"the adventures of Captain Gulliver have formed the
delight of countless children". * Personal adventure also has,
in the effort to make the work seem true, now come to play an
even larger part in the imaginary voyage than it had in the pro-
ductions of Cyrano de Bergerac and Vairasse with the natural
consequence that the narrative interest has also been heightened.
19. Moriarty, G. P., Dean Swift and His Writings , 1892, pg.
Not yet was the time ripe for a voyage imaginaire to be written
for amusement alone; but even as all prose fiction was tending
more or less to acquire, in addition to its obviously didactic
tone, an artistic quality so was the imaginary voyage. The
drug of ulterior purpose was being more and more neutralized
by the siigar-coating of the story.
One of the immediate literary results of Gulliver 's Travels
was to inspire in France l T Abbe Desfontaine to write his Kouveau
Gulliver (1728), in which Jean, the eldest son of Captain Lemuel
Gulliver, becoming disgusted with his university studies, ran
off to sea, sailing in a ship bound for China. Having arrived
in eastern waters, the captain of the vessel was informed that
trade in the Chinese ports was poor, and so he sailed to the
northward; but a pirate ship soon afterward captured them and
carried them into a port of Babilary, a land ruled by women, who
some time before had seized the political power and subjugated
all men to the position held by women in Europe. This inversion
of the accepted order furnished the author with abundant oppor-
tunities for satire, none of which he neglected to seize. Of
greatest interest in this country is a huge illustrated universal
dictionary, each page of which is given over to a word; at the
top is a picture depicting its meaning, while below the word
itself is printed in the Babilary tongue and in all other lan-
guages which the people of that nation know. Gulliver and his
companions escaped by the machinations of Mejax, a naval captain,
I who seduced the hero while he was in the royal seraglio awaiting
the consummation of his nuptials with the Queen. The Babilarians,
of course, pursued them; but in the naval battle which followed
the Europeans were victorious although Mejax was slain,
Not long after this escape the ship was wrecked in the
Indian Ocean, and Gulliver, separated from the rest of the crew,
was cast upon the island of Tillibet where the inhabitants begin
to speak at the age of a few hours and die at that of twenty
years, A dramatic conversation between Gulliver, his host, and
a servant voices a sharp satire upon the European waste of time.
Having got out of this land upon a Portuguese ship which
put in for water, the hero met his next adventure on the isle of
Manouham, where the ship's company landed in hopes of finding
the means to repair their vessel. There he and some others of
the crew were captured by savages after a running fight, and
were about to be put to death when their companions rescued them.
But while the shore party was making preparations for plugging
the leaks in the ship, those of crew still on board raised
anchor and abandoned them. The castav/ays finally fell in with
a tribe of friendly Indians among whom they lived in peace and
amity, helping them subdue and convert to a noble humanitarian ism
their hostile neighbors. In the meantime Gulliver held many
conversations with one of the tribe in which the "noble savage"
appeared to marked advantage beside his civilized companion.
The Europeans were, not long after, rescued by a Dutch
ship, Gulliver once more experiencing the tragedy of "disprized
love"; for an Indian maiden deeply enamoured of him, cast herself
into the sea as the vessel weighed anchor, and was drowned. On
board Gulliver found his first captain who told him of his own
sojourn anions a humpbacked people. The descriptions of weddings
and of court visits, and the efforts of these people to increase
the size of their humps are obvious satires upon court customs
and external appearances. In a short time the ship put into
L 1 Isle d'Estats of the Terra del Fuego group, where Gulliver
heard various stories of the islands roundabout — those of the
poets, doctors, philosophers, and gourmands.
Sailing from this place, he again met adventure upon an
island off the coast of Chile where he and one shipmate were
abandoned by accident as the rest of the party beat a precipitate
retreat before a family of huge bears. In this place they found
a people who when they reached the age of seventy began to grow
young again. This nation had strict sumptuary laws governing
the amount of air one might breathe, the amount of exercise and
sleep to be taken, and the sort of food to be eaten. The flesh
of animals, for instance, is absolutely forbidden as an article
oi diet because all animate beings are supposed to be brothers
of mankind since they all possess souls. The sailors, however,
soon grew tired of vegetarianism; and after long argument per-
suading their host that while fish might have souls, they could
in no way be considered brothers to men, the Europeans gained
permission to obtain such food supplies. Having rowed off shore
for this purpose, the two men were picked up by a passing French
ship on which they returned home. This last division of the
book also contains the history of two lovers who were cruelly
divided by parental objection, but were finally united after
being cast separately upon the coast of Chile by storms. Their
adventures serve primarily as a means for satirising civilized
society by pointing out its artificiality and lack of sympathetic
As a part of hie effort to force belief Desfontaine tells
in the last chapter that the book was composed durinr the return
voyage so that Gulliver on landing mip*ht sell the manuscript in
order to recoup his shattered finances. He accounts for the
French version and its appearance before the Enrlish edition by
tollinn that a youn>? Frenchman on the boat whiled away his leisure
time making a translation which, by Gulliver's leave, he published
immediately upon his return to France. Otherwise Desfontaine
made no particular attempt to ^ain verisimilitude, relying evi-
dently in a larnre measure directly upon the name of his hero, and
so indirectly upon Swift's Preface . The likelihood of the narra-
tive is further increased by the probability of the wrecks and
misadventures which throw young Gulliver upon strange coasts,
and by the general natures of the peoples found, both the Babilar-
ians and the savages presenting no very extraordinary features.
On the whole, the effort put forth appears rather futile when it
is compared with the pretentious introduction of Vairasse or with
the clever deception, as well as the artistic merit of Swift's
Desfontaine protests vigorously in his Pre face that he
did not copy from Swift, and that the only thin*? he borrowed from
the illustrious Englishman was the name of his hero. As far as
material goes this is true. There is no external resemblance
between the lands seen by the son and those visited by the father.
Fundamentally, however, there is imitation. Both Swift and
Desfontaine sought to satirize the various aspects of society.
The former with his greater genius and his fiercer hate produced
a crushing denunciation of all mankind; the latter with hie
lesser brilliancy and in his more hurried execution wrote a
satire pointed, but after all comparatively mild. No matter how
new his peoples, his countries, and his incidents, no amount of
protest will expunge the fact that in his Nouveau Gulliver Jes-
fontaine followed carefully in the footsteps of the man whose
work he translated.
Nothing really new was added to the practice of the voyage
imaginaire by Desfontaine. His journey was over the beaten track--
the seas about China, the Indian Ocean, and Terra del Puego ; his
shipwrecks are a reproduction of a hundred others. Again follow-
ing Swift's lead he did make his satire a story, but here, too,
his genius is inferior to that of the Englishman; and the narra-
tive detail often seems forced into the tale rather than to be
an intrinsic part of it. And even in the effort to gain verisim-
ilitude Desfontaine had recurrence to the time worn practice of
citing doubtful authorities to show that strange things do exist
in the world. His work is important only in-as-much as it
illustrates the growth of the new tradition in the history of the
voyage imaginaire .
The sterility of Desfontaine 's indention and his choice
of method were largely determined by the character of his regular
work. A Jesuit priest, attached to the staff of the Journal des
Savants , his duties in this connection occupied much of his time.
He was, moreover, perpetually involved in controversy, that with
Voltaire bringing him most publicity, if not most honor, and he
20. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XV, pp. 347 - 356.
had as part of his duty the continued writing of polemic criti-
cism. Weighed dov/n under the burden of this enforced literary
production Desfontaine had to seize upon any and all tools which
came ready to his hand. Originality had no time to mature in
him. Imitation was his only salvation. There was no time for
polish in style, nor for consideration in judgment. Carelessness
and precipitancy mar his work, and the Nouveau Gulliver suffers
no more in these respects than do his other publications. Still
it is a bold attempt, full of latent possibilities which augur
great things for it had its author not been forced to let it come
before its time into this breathing world "scarce half made-up".
A more interesting volume is a Voyage to Cacklogallinia ,
sometimes ascribed, on what grounds I cannot discover, to Dean
Swift, but bearing on its title page the name of Captain Samuel
Brunt, whoever he may have been. It appeared in 1727, but does
not seem to have been re-issued or to have been widely popular;
at least a certain "D. M." who inserted a leaf in what is now the
University of Illinois copy says that he "never saw above three
copies of it", and reprints are not discoverable. The story is
that of an Englishman who landing with some companions on the coast
of Jamaica to make their way to Kingston, the winds being adverse
to a passage by sea, was carried off by a band of runaway slaves.
His fellows were immediately slain; but he was preserved by the
intervention of a negro to whom, on a previous visit to the island,
he had shown compassion, and was carried to one of their villages
81. The British LIuseum catalog says Brunt is a pseudonym.
in the mountains, shortly afterward the negroes were attacked
by the whites; and being driven from their strongholds, sore of
then, still carrying Brunt with them, got after considerable dif-
ficulty to the coast, and stealing a canoe, put to sea. The
party was shortly picked up by a pirate ship; and after various
adventures such as witnessing a mutiny and participating in a
fight against a superior force, the hero was cast, following the
wreck of the vessel, upon the shores of an unknown country.
Having proceeded inland and slept under a tree for the
night, he was surprised at dawn by being taken prisoner by a race
of huge chickens which inhabited this land. These took him for
a monstrosity, and so named him Probusomo , which in their language
signifies a strange and uncouth animal. Later his captor took
him to court and presented him as a gift to the Prime Minister
for whom Brunt served as a spy after learning the Cacklogallinian
language. His discoverer, being rewarded the title equivalent to
Esquire for his present, at once increased nine inches in height
and a proportionate amount in girth as is the manner of folk in
that country whenever they are promoted. Following his introduc-
tion at court, Brunt conversed with Brusqualo, the Minister, de-
scribing England in the most laudatory terms and comparing it
with Cacklogallinia, which in word and deed is an intensely vile
country. An example of Brunt's method is found in his description
of their religion. In the temple hung a globe of gold, formerly
very large, which each sect as it gained the predominating in-
fluence in the state had melted down and recast until at the time
of the story it had decreased to a negligible size. That this
precious metal might again be brought into the realm an upstart
politician suggested that the "spirit of the world", which was
the all creator, might be fetched fron the Moon in order to trans-
mute base metals into rare. Brunt, in spite of his opposition to
the scheme, was sent, carried in a chariot supported by servants,
to get this "spirit". He passed safely through the middle regions
of the universe, experiencing neither heat, nor cold, nor hunger,
nor other inconcenience on the way. On the Moon he found a race
of disembodied spirits -- the souls of men who had died and were
there awaiting a further purging away of the soul "body" so that
they might arise to heaven. By the courtesy of these people he
alpo saw the souls of those earth-dwellers who dreamt by night $
for when men dream their souls mount upward to the "!oon where the
spirit undergoes all the sufferings which its owner experiences in
his visions. The hero failed, however, to obtain the object of
his journey since the inhabitants of the Uoon know nothing at all
about gold. Fearing to return with a report of unsuccess, he
secured from these men directions for steering so that he should
reach Jamaica; and after landing there, he instructed his bearers
how to return into their own nation while he took ship for England
where he arrived after a satisfactory voyage.
No summary can, however, . indicate how biting is the satire
which pervades every page of this entertaining story; and a com-
plete analysis of it would extend beyond the bounds here allowable.
In general method the satire is similar to that of Swift's Lilli -
put ; here as there political figures of contemporary England
masquerade under fictitious titles. Brunt's Cormorants are the
Dutch; his llagpies, the French; his Owls, the Spaniards; his
Cuckoos, the Italians. The war waged by the Owls against the
Magpies is that of the Spanish Succession. Brusquallo, the King's
Minister, If probably Horace '"alpole; anrl Tripeallyonlnte is
Louis of France. The window tax is satirised as one on sunllpht;
and that on beer as an excise upon spring water. 7he South Sea
Bubble Is ridiculed in the scheme to brinpr gold from tho *oon.
And corrupt electorates, ministers, clergy, physicians, lawyers,
poets, ladles-in-waiting, courtiers and their wives, law, poverty,
pride, army preferments and punishments, official integrity,
English character, football, horseracing, and Italian opera all
have scorn heaped upon them. But Brunt also employs along with
this method a reverse of that used by Swift in his description
of Brobdingnag. The latter made his Giants benevolant, his
English vile; the former painter" his -"Englishmen as perfect, his
Cacklogallinlans as the corruptest of the corrupt.
In these respects of method the author of Cacklogallinia
no doubt borrowed from that of Gulliver ; but he must also have
had some native ability, for many of his conceptions are most
ingenious, as for instance that of a man's increasing in height
as he rises in rank. I do not know that I should agree with the
aforementioned "D. M." when he says: "The stile is more pure than
that of Defoe"; but I should go beyond him in his estimate "that
the story is as interesting as Peter Wilkins" . Nor can I agree
after a careful reading of both authors that Brunt is "without
any of the grossness of Swift"; for there are many passages which
even the Dean of St. Patrick's was, I feel, likely to have Strieker
out had the Voyage to Cacklogallinla been his work. In general,
however, Brunt has succeeded with his illustrious predecessor in
producing a satire as pointed as vigorous, and a story as en-
tertaining as ingenious.
Considered historically as a voyage i naginaire the
Voyage to Cacklogallinia had perhaps no very great influence.
Swift was more popular in his own time, and is better known to-
day. Brunt, moreover, did nothing but continue the Gulliver tra-
dition, without adding to the practice of fiction whether of this
type or of any other. His only innovation, in fact, was the
substitution of birds for men -- a sugpreption which he may have
grot from Swift's Houyhnhnms, but which, I suspect, he took from
Cyrano de Bergerac, and which, furthermore, does not appear to
have been borrowed by later writers. The influence of Cyrano
and Godwin may also be seen in the record of the trip to the Iloon.
Yet it must be admitted that were Cacklogallinia more readily
accessible to the public, the story might be read with as much
avidity and delight as are Gulliver 's Travels .
The year 1737 saw appear a voyage imaginaire as readable
as Gulliver yet very different in character -- The Adventures of
Gaudentio di Lucca , which Dunlop believes to have been the work
of Bishop Berkeley on the ground that Plato was the bishop's
favorite author, and that the Republic and the Adventures both
describe ideal patriarchal governments. The philosopher-bishop
may have composed the volume; but certainly Dunlop's argument is
most inconclusive, and neither Leslie Stephen, A. C • eraser, nor
Dr. Benjamin Rand include the book in their lists of Berkeley's
writings. 22 And nothing in either the Proposal for the Founding
22. minlop, J. , History of Prose Fictio n, third edition, pg. 420.
23. Stephen, Leslie, arTTcle on Berkeley in the Dictionary of
National Biography . Fraser, A. c, Life in vol . IV of .Vorks,
1071. Rand, Benjamin, Berkeley and Perceval , 1914.
of a College in the Bermuda j g 1 an d r 17£b) nor in hip flsaay to -
wards Preventing the Ru i n of Great Britaj n (17:21) snrrostr any-
thing contained in the voyage . Furthermore, aa will be seen
from the summary, there is no essential resemblance between the
Republic and the Adventures of Gaudenti o di Lucca , The assumed
author is Simon Berington of whom nothing appears to be known
unless he is the author of a copy of verses entitled To His Ex -
cellent Majesty James III , King of England , Scotland , Franc e , and
Ireland , published at Douai (?) in 1700, and preserved in the
British Museum. Why Berington should be suspected of the author-
ship I am not able to learn; his name does not appear on the title
page, the work being supposedly translated "from the Italian by
S. T. , Gent", The Berin^tons were good catholics and royalists,
if the titles of their works may be admitted as evidence, and
the Adventures are markedly catholic in tone. But whoever the
author may have been, he had an ingenious imagination and a
thorough knowledge of Vairasse's L'Histoire des Severambes .
The story is a record of the testimony given by Gaudentio
di Lucca, a physician, before the Inquisition at Bologna. He
tells that in his youth he was a student at Paris, but that he
and his brother, being left orphans and bankrupt at the same time,
had embarked upon a commercial venture to the orient. Falling in
with Turkish pirates whom they had resisted, the crew was ex-
terminated with the exception of Gaudentio, whose life was spared
only at the intercession of the lady that the pirate chieftain
was seeking to marry. His captors carried him to Alexandria
where he was sold to a foreign merchant who treated him very
kindly; but unfortunately the Grand Bassa's daughter cast her
eyes upon him, and the scandal having become known, although
Gaudentio was innocent of any wrong, his party was forced to
flee Egypt. Angered over the rejection of her love, the younr?
lady pursued them; but just as she overtook the cavalcade, her
horse shied, precipitating her into the river whence Gaudentio
had the good luck to rescue her, saving at once his head and her
honor; for the accident made the young lady at once so sensible
of her indiscretion and of his nobility that she became quite
cured of her profligate affection, and gave her savior a ring as
a token of forgiveness.
Gaudentio and his companions then continued for many dayp
across the desert, finally reaching the land of Mezarania which
in the time of the Hyksos kings was settled by the ancient
Egyptian refugees from their persecution. The government of this
fair land is patriarchal in form, the nation being divided in
five Nomes, or tribes, the members of each of which wear garments
of a different color, those of the men being spangled with golden
suns, those of the women with silver moons in token of their in-
constant natures and lesser importance. The chief of the first
Nome is the head of the nation; and complicated laws of succession
are established to obviate any civil strife in case there is no
direct heir. Over each tribe is a Pophar (father), and the male
parent is the head of the individual family. The law is based
on pure equity, but stringent measures are taken against perjury,
murder, fornication, and adultery. Although no mention is made
of communism, there is abundance and plenty for all in the land
since property rights are sacred and each couple is presented at
marriage with a certain portion of land. Some art or trade le
pursued by every citizen, the order of esteem being (1) liberal
arts, (2) agriculture, (3) useful arts, (4) fine arts. The in-
ventor of a new art is honored by having his statue erected in
a public place, Craudentio attaining this distinction by intro-
ducing the art of portrait painting among then. A puritanical
moral education is instilled into the youth by a combined staff
of parents, nurses, and governors. Y'ar is forbidden because
the shedding of human blood is considered an unpardonable sin,
but sports of all sorts are encouraged. The religion of Mezarania
is sun-worship, that star being considered the material cause of
all things; but over and beyond him is El, the great first cause.
Parents are considered as the immediate cause of their children's
being. Passion and desire are caused in men by the souls of
animals entering into their bodies and driving out the human
spirit; but a steady contemplation of the divine light is suffi-
cient to repulse these assaults. After death the human soul ap-
proaches nearer and nearer to the El.
Men and women mingle freely under the supervision of
their elders; and freedom of choice is allowed in marriage, but
obstacles are containually raised in order to prove the con-
stancy of lovers, and stories of heroic devotion are assigned to
the betrothed for reading. The progress of the engagement is
indicated by the presentation and acceptance of flowers, first
in bud, then half-blown, and finally in full bloom; and the
contract is consummated in a public ceremony at which the Pophar
slips a steel hoop over the couple as they embrace tightly in
token of the indissolubility of the bond that they are contract-
Gaudentio, having been discovered, by means of a medal
given him by his mother, to be of the blood of this nation, was
adopted among them, rising in time to a dist inguished rank and
even marrying the regent's daughter. After he had been among
these people many years a hunting party discovered in a cave near
the borders an English castaway whom, in companion, they brought
home with them; but he soon requited their kindncsr by attempt-
ing to subvert the moral and political order* Sentence of ban-
ishment was at once passed against him; and he was returned into
Egypt as member of the party to which Gaudentio, whose wife and
children had now died, and the Pophar, who desired to visit
Europe, were attached. In Alexandria the Englishman sought to
gain their arrest; but the ring eriven by the Grand Bassa's
daughter to Gaudentio secured their release, and the Englishman,
having been condemned to the galleys, committed suicide. After
further adventures, such as rescuing his former benefactress
from her pirate husband, being offered the highest t>ost in the
realm by the Grand Bassa's daughter who was now Sultana Regent
of Turkey, and converting the Grand Pophar to Catholicism,
Gaudentio reached Venice where he persuaded the courtesan Favilla
to enter a nunnery, but so captivated the imagination of a young
lady that she followed him to Bologna, where he was dwelling
when the Inquisition seized him as a man of questionable practices
Dunlop, as the summary shows, had evidently forgotten
when he made his comparison between the Republic and Gaudentio di
Lucca that new elements had been added to Utopian tradition be-
tween the fourth century B. C. and A. D# 1727. Plato and
Berington, if Berington it was, had each a separate heritage.
The Ureek know only political praotico ana philosophic specula-
tion as he had seen it on the shores of the Mediterranean; the
Englishman had behind him the practice of More, Campanella, Bacon,
and Vairasse. Tt is in the work of the last of these, however,
that the germ of Oauden tio di Lucca is to be found. In each case
the nation was founded by refugees from persecution; in each the
people are sun-worshippers but recognize an incomprehensible,
omniscient spirit beyond the visible; in each moral instruction
is the aim of education; in each equity is the basis of adjudica-
tion; in each war is abhorred but sports encouraged; in each
classes are distinguished by the color of their dress, although
Vairasse divides his people according to age and Berinprton ac-
cording to tribes; in each betrothal, which follows carefully
chaperoned meetings, is a public ceremony; in each agriculture
ranks high as an activity; in each scholars are sent abroad to
study, but strangers are not willingly admitted to the land,
although Berington might have borrowed this detail from Bacon;
and in each the author, after rising to a high rank among the
new people and marrying a native woman, becomes homesick after
her death and returns to his native country. Such similarity
in detail cannot, surely, be the result of chance; and accident
is rendered still more improbable by the widespread popularity
of the Severambes both in Prance and in England.
The conviction of Berington 's indebtedness to Vairasse
grows still more certain when one examines his Preface . It takes
the form of a letter written by Alisio de St. Ivoria, Secretary
of the Inquisition at Bologna, to M. Rhedi, librarian of St.
Mark's at Venice, in which the former directs the recipient to
confirm certain details of the testimony rehearso-l therein. Thin
document also explains how Gaudentio war taken by the Inquisition
and under what circumstances, also certain details of the trial,
and contains in addition a summary of the Memoirs . As a partial
return for a gift of some value made by the librarian to the
secretary a copy of the confession is also enclosed. All this
is stated in great detail. We learn what were the hero's habits
of life, what estimate the citizens of the town placed upon his
private and professional character, and what Gaudentio looked
like. Prefixed to the whole is the usual eighteenth century
address of the Publisher to the Header . In this we are told that
the publisher, having during his sojourn in Venice "contracted
a particular friendship with M. Rhedi", who was "not so bigoted
to his religion or profession, as to shun the company of the
heretical Tramontani", and who was furthermore softened by the
"present of a gold repeating watch, with some other of our Eng-
lish curiosities", was allowed to copy the manuscript. M. P.hedi
also gives convenient testimony, through the publisher of course,
as to the truth of the narrative; and an "N. B." calls the read-
er's attention to his learned footnotes "particularly, when he
comes to the origin and antiquity of the people the author speaks
of" a trick learned probably from Vairasse and Desfontaine.
Here it is also explained that careless customs officials at
Marseilles are responsible for the loss of several sheets from
the manuscript, so causing an hiatus in the middle of the account.
This machinery is as elaborate as Vairasse 's and somewhat more
convincing, but the author of Gaudentio di Lucca had the probable
advantage over his French predecessor of having read Defoe's
Apparit io n of Mre . Veal (1706). In any case the prefatory
material has now become a first chapter in a truer sense than
were the letters of More and Peter Giles which were prefixed to
the Utopia , and which Dr. A. J. Tieje so designates. ~
As an additional means of graining verisimilitude Berinrr-
ton inserted the questions and the comments of the Inquisitors;
so that one has from time to time further testimony as to the
convincing character of the narration. This aim is also served
by the Inquisition's apparent acceptance of the existence of
Mezarania and their sending out missionaries to convert its in-
habitants. These various means form the most full and complex
attempt to force belief which has appeared in the voyage imagin -
aire up to this time, although it must also be admitted that
only in the last two practices has the author of Gaudentio di
Lucca shown any essential originality.
More important than these devices, however, are the ap-
pearance in the Introduction of two details until now little de-
veloped and seldom even mentioned. The appearance and character
of Gaudentio are carefully described; a full length portrait
of the man appears, whereas heretofore character has been only
implied from the hero's actions, and personal appearance has been
introduced but once. Berington is, too, the first author of
the imaginary voyage to speak of the "law of nature", a phrase
used by practically all later writers of Utopias and one that
24. Tieje, A. J., The Expressed Critical Theory of European
Prose Fiction bFfore 1740 , ch. III.
25. Novelist 's Magazine, 1787, vol. XXI, Int roduction to Gauden -
tio d.i Lucca , pg. vii.
26. Godwin, Man in the Mo one , cir. 1699.
27. Novelist ' s Ma gazine , vol. XXI, Introduction to Gaudentio di
Lucca, pg. viii."
dominated thought in certain branches of philosophy for many-
This work Dunlop ranks with Gulliver ' s Travels and Kobin -
son Crusoe , claiming that no other nation "has produced three
performances of equal merit" in the field of the voyage imagin -
aire. The estimate is, perhaps, over-enthusiastic; but at
the same time one cannot but admit that Gaudentio di Lucc a is
the most readable of the Utopias. The expositorv description
which burdened this type of fiction has throughout become leavened
with a narrative strain; and the personal interest introduced by
Vairasse and Foigny has come now to have an equal importance
with the instructional matter. The voyage imaginaire which aims
to picture an ideal state is now developing as did the satirical
voyage — it is slowly becoming more and more of a story.
During these years between 1723 and 1737 other voyages
imaginaires were being published, but I have not been able to
obtain many of them. Some, like Legrand's Les Aventures du
Voyageur Arien (1724), Murtagh McDermot's Trip to the .loon
(1728), or the anonymous Travels of an Adventurous Knight in
the Kingdom of v/onder appear to comprise the marvellous, and may
in the case of the second be satirical. Bennet's Memoirs of the
Court of Lilliput (1727) is a thing obviously done in the manner
Swift, as is Arbuthnot's Account of the State of Learning in
28. Dunlop, J., History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 418.
29. This is a pseudonym; the author's real name is unknown.
Llllitmt (1728). The first I hare not seen; the second ie merely
the narrative of an incident which might have occurred to Oulli-
ver during his stay in that island, hut it otherwise contains
no features of the voyage imaginaire » Bougeant's Prin ce Fanf er -
edin (1735), if Dunlop is to he relied upon, continues the
tradition of d'Aubignac, I lontpensier, and Sorel . An entirely
different sort of a work is the Lamekis (1735) of that most pro-
ductive author Charles Fieux Chevalier de Ilouhy. The voyage
imaginaire element in it is very slight and servos merely as a
thread upon which to string narratives of the cult of Serapis in
■Egypt t of adventures in caverns, and of the Isle of sylphides.
In Denmark Baron Ludvig Holberg produced in 1741 his
famous Iter Subterraneum — a racy story of the adventures be-
falling a young doctor, Nicholas Klimius, after his return from
the university to his home in Bergen. Deciding to investigate
a mysterious cavern near the town, he fell into it, and after
some time found himself floating as a satellite to an underground
sun; but being attacked by a griffin which he killed with his
spear, he was dragged from his exalted estate to the surface of
an underground earth inhabited by a tree -people who honor women
on an equality with men, and esteem slowness of comprehension as
the sign of the highest intellectual power. These people at
first took him for a monkey, but were finally convinced that he
was not of that species. His quick wit, however, brought him
into disfavor with this nation, but his long legs earned him a
court position as the king's chief messenger. In this capacity
30. History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 397.
31. I have seen only the first volume of this work as it is
printed in Gamier' s Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XX..
ho was sent to visit all the nations of this world boiow ground,
and to bring back a report upon their condition. Each of these
new countries he found to be inhabited by a people representa-
tive of some human activity, as philosophy, medicine, law, and
so forth. All are described with keen satire, but with such an
abundance of questionable detail that even the drench translator
was forced to soften the tone of the narrative. Klimius on his
return sougnt to gain promotion by suggesting governmental re-
forms; but these failing of approval, he was, as the law provided
condemned to be sent out of the world alonpr with the other crimin
als. Attached to the neck of a migratory bird he bepan his jour-
ney, and soon landed in the world of monkeys, where his wits
being considered too tardy, he was employed by a minister as a
chairman. Taking advantage, however, of the insane desire for
novelty which these people evinced, he soon rose by his inventive
genius to a high position. But his protector's wife now became
enamored of him; and angered by the rejection of her importunate
advances, she obtained his banishment. As a galley slave, he
now visited lands peopled by all sorts of beast-folk, until a
storm cast him upon a shore inhabited by men sunk in the grossest
ignorance. These people believing him to be a god, Klimius
gained a great ascendance over them; and in time having risen to
the regency, he sought to found a fifth monarchy. His cruel
tyranny, however, raised up a rebellion against him; and crawling
into a cave, after the surrender of his army, he suddenly found
himself again in Bergen where he was taken for the pandering
Jew. But a friend came to his rescue and secured for him, after
a time, a rectorship which he held for many years. Appended to
the work is a testimonial to the character of Nicholas Klimiue.
This work, written originally in Latin, and translated
into Danish, French, and English (1747), had a prreat vogue. The
general concensus of critical opinion has been to attribute the
author's inspiration to Swift; "but there are good reasons for
objecting to this view since upon examination the similarity
of the works is seen to lie in their satirical purpose. Holberg,
furthermore, had travelled widely in Germany, Holland, Prance,
and England, and so was likely to have come into contact with
the whole literary tradition of the voyage imaginaire , a form
which must have appealed to his semi -vagabond nature, and which
was rather adaptable to his genius. If specific indebtedness
must be sought, the work is clearly done in the tradition of
Cyrano de Bergerac from whom Holberg probably borrowed his ex-
perience as an astral body, his tree-people, the conception of
himself as a monkey, and the contempt shown by animals for men.
Desfontaine and the Montpensier-d 'Aubignac-Bougeant school prob-
ably furnished the idea of a people ruled by a single passion.
The cave incident at the end also reminds one of a similar epi-
sode in Lamekis, and the birds which carry off the criminals in
the Iter Subterraneum are the posterity of Godwin's geese. The
underground world itself was probably suggested by Ouevedo's
Visions . Holberg has, nevertheless, kneaded these diverse ele-
ments into an interesting story highly seasoned with the interest
which arises from personal adventure; but this type of voyage
which deals with the interior of the earth and uses the extremely
improbable as a means of satire does not seem to have been highly
popular, and in the second half of the eighteenth century it was
A work entirely unlike any of these is the Automathes
of John Kirkby, published in 1745 and now preserved, it seems,
only in Leber's Popular Romances . The author's chief bid to fame
is that he was the tutor of lidward Gibbon, the historian, and
it is to the pupil that we owo the only notice of the teacher.
According to Gibbon's account Kirkby 's remarks on his own indi-
gence in the opening pages of the Automathes are true, and the
remainder of the brief account would indicate that misfortune
continued to pursue him throughout life. Constant brooding upon
these vicissitudes of earthly existence probably turned Kirkby' s
imagination to the story he told, there to find relief from
present annoyance and worry in the dream of a better state. But
this is speculation.
The book begins with an account of the finding of the
manuscript. As the author sat one day ''upon the declivity of the
beach" meditating on the "wretched condition of (his) family",
he was diverted from his pensive mood "by the sight, of
a small cylindrical trunk, about a foot lon^, rolling along with
the tide, , with a key tied to the handle". Rescuing this
package, he found it to contain a manuscript partly obliterated
by the action of the salt water, but still legible in a large
part, from which he learned that the writer of the account was
an English priest of the Benedictine order whose ship had in the
year 1614 foundered in latitude 39° 15" north, longitude 176°
west from London, off an unknown coast which the crew managed
to reach with the aid of rafts.
There they found a colony of Chinese, srieakinr purest
Attic Greek and professing a primitive type of Christianity. The
ancestors of this folk, they learned in a conversation with some
of the priests, had been converted to the faith in their home
province of "Xantung which lies in the south-west part of Corea":
hut by a royal mandate they had been banished as dangerous to the
safety of the state. Settling in this desert island, these fugi-
tives had built up a prosperous nation in which the spiritual
and temporal powers were entirely divorced, the clergy retaining
control of education but being removed from all worldly tempa-
tion by an insistence upon the utmost simplicity in the clerical
life. Criminals are transported to a desert island not far dis-
tant where they must dwell forever; but any children they may
have are promptly returned to the colony in order that they may
be free from a corrupting environment and have the advantage of
a moral education. This portion of the book is further sriven over
to caustic remarks on Romanism and its practices, which are in-
terrupted by the arrival of Automathes who invited them to go
next day on a visit to his father's country seat.
On this journey Automathes related to the Europeans the
story of his life. While he was yet a babe in arms, his father,
Eugenius, was banished as a conspirator against the throne, his
enemies having gained the king's ear and whispered grave calumnies
against the favorite minister; but on the voyage to the isle of
convicts, the vessel was wrecked off an unknown coast, and Eugen-
ius, his wife, and infant son were cast upon a desert island.
There the father erected a shelter for them, and they lived
happily until the mother rUed, when to supply the wants of his
son Eugenius caught a roo which thereafter acted as the nurse
of Automathes. Shortly afterward Eugenius discovered not far
distant another island, which, hoping it would be inhabited, he
visited in a ship's boat saved from the wreck; a storm, however,
carried off the boat while he was on the new isle, and so father
and son were separated,
The boy now learned various things by observation
what fruits are good to eat, that the moon derives its light
from the sun, that the revolutions of the heavenly bodies are
the causes oi" eclipses, what death is, that bathing is good for
the body, that he was not original in this place since, unlike
the other animals, he was the only one of his kind in the island,
that echoes were not human voices, and many things of a similar
nature. Prom a painted fan found in the hut he gained his ideas
of men, sex, gardens, and cities; and from various metal objects
also discovered there he conceived the principles of malleability
and ductility. He learned further what fire was by striking
two pieces of steel together. Animals, he found, too, were
rational because when during his swimming his legs became en-
tangled in the branches of a submerged tree, the beavers, at-
tracted by his cries, came and gnawed him loose. The favor was
returned now long after; for he showed them how to put out a
fire which had seized upon their quarters, the animals immediately
imitating him in splashing water over the blazing parts. With
the aid of some diagrams in mathematical books, also found in
the hut, Automathes discovered many geometrical principles and
even succeeded in erecting a sundial. His knowledge of the
supernatural was imparted in dreams presided over by the spirit
of his dead mother.
About this time a ship from the country, driven out of
its course "by adverse winde, discovered his father, and nnon ur-
gent solicitation the captain agreed to visit the island upon
which the son had been left. Returning with them to civilization
Automathes quickly assimilated all learning, but his savap-e
virtues had never been weakened and his abhorrence of all cruelty
and of animal food had never been overcome.
The day following that on which they heard this narration
the party visited a wonderful natural amphitheater among the
mountains . On their return journey as they were passing through
a thick wood, the oharp cries of a woman in distress alarmed
them. Hastening forward they discovered in a cottage a woman
bound tight upon a couch. She was Dorothea, betrothed of ?/us-
tathes, a member of the party. On being questioned hov/ she came
there, she could say only that on the previous evening, her
mother being away from home, she had, on her nurse's advice,
lain down for a brief rest in the summer house of the garden,
and that she awakened in her present situation. Arriving at
Dorothea's home, the party found all in confusion because of the
loss of the young lady, and because the nurse who was asleep
in the summer house, could not be wakened. The excitement was
further increased when news came that Phlefron, a rival suitor
for Dorothea's hand, had been found dead in the river. At this
same time the nurse showed signs of awaking, but having sighed
heavily once or twice, she died without speaking or even opening
her eyes. This succession of catastrophic events scared one
of the male servants into a confession by which it was learned
that Phlegon had bribed him and the nurse to drug ijorothea and
carry hor to the cottage in the wood, and that on returning the
nurse, to avoid suspicion, had also taken a dose of the sleeping
potion. Having finished his story, the poor man, conscious of
his overwhelming guilt, begged that he be punished to the utmost
rigor of the law; but the judges, feeling that he had already
suffered enough, remitted all judgment against him.
"Thus far, and no farther", says Kirkby, "could I make
any sense of what was contained in this manuscript; here there-
force I am forced to conclude, without being able to rive any
other account of it, than what you have already heard concerning
the strange means by which it fell into my hands. If the publi-
cation of so much as I could pick out, may be of any service to
the cause of religion and virtue, as I am not without hopes in
some measure it may, I am satisfied".
The first division of this hybrid work is written after
the manner of the Utopias. Kirkby is there describing an ideal
state as a means of voicing his own sentiments upon religion.
The second part, or the History of Automathes , is a weak imita-
tion of the Hai Ebn Xokdhan which the author must have known
either in Pocock's Latin version (1676) or Ockley's English trans-
lation (1708) ; 32 but Kirkby has, under the influence of Defoe,
32. When I wrote in Chapter II that the Hai Kbn Yokdhan had no
lineal descendants, the copy of 7feber T s Popular Romances
had not come to hand, and Kirkby' s work was unknown to
me. At the time I received the book, Chapter II had
already been typewritten and so the change could not be
added a ttobinsonade element. The rational beavers of Automathes
are, also, suspiciously similar to the monkeys in Dorrintrton 's
English Herr.it (1727), who request quarles to referee their dis-
putes; and Dorrington also makes use of dreams as a means to
inform his hero of coming events. The love story at the end of
the work is in the style of the romances. This mixture of diverse
elements is unfortunate. In any case it was likely to destroy
unity of purpose and of tone; but in the hands of an inexperienced
and unskillful artist like Kirkby, dire confusion resulted, and
the book, being neither a utopia, philosophic fiction, or romance,
impresses one as having the same purposelessness and lack of
direction which seems to have characterized its author's life.
Different in nature and different in aim from the Auto -
mathes is the Peter W ilk ins (1750) of Robert raltock, an author
of whom as little is known as of Kirkby, but whose book is
vastly more important historically since it was the first voyage
imaginaire written simply to amuse. Paltock appears to have
been a Gornishman, to have been a bencher at Clement's Inn, and
to have written Peter V/ilkins. The first two are no rare dis-
tinction. The latter, hov/ever, is. No common man could have
done it. The task required a gentle as well as a boldly fan-
tastic imagination, a poetic as well as a practical mind. Per-
haps the work is, as a critic in the Monthly Review says, "the
illegitimate offspring of no very natural conjunction, like
33. See A. H. Bullen, Preface to his edition of Peter V/ilkins ,
Gulliver' f Travels and Robinson Crusoe"; but Paltock may take
oonfort in tho remembrance that Swift would have spoiled the
book by dragging in satire, and that winded creatures v/ere
beyond Defoe's power. Peter Wllkins is a creation of a dreamer's
mind, of a mind not bothered by worldly affairs, of a man whose
days pass quietly and evenly and are never too full for lazy
meditation. Just such a man was this feeless, briefless barrister
of Clement's Inn whom Leigh Hunt pictures "with 'Robinson Crusoe'
on one side of him and 'Caudentio di Lucca' on the other, hearing
the pen go over his paper in one of the quiet rooms in Clement's
Inn that look out of its old-fashioned buildings into the little
garden with the dial in it held by the negro".
Peter ffilkine, the hero of the story, was born near
Bristol where he enjoyed a reasonably happy childhood; but his
father having been slain in the Stuart rebellions and his mother
having married a neighboring gentleman, Peter was put to school
where he profited somewhat by his studies but advanced wonder-
fully in the art of seduction, secretly acquiring two children
and a wife before he was twenty. Misfortune, however, soon
overtook him; for his mother dying left all her property to her
second husband, and Peter, now left penniless and loaded with
family responsibilities which it was necessary to keep secret,
ran away to sea, shipping as captain's steward in a vessel
bound for the Indies. Shortly after they had left port, a French
privateer overhauled them; and since food was runninp* short,
Wilkins and twenty other prisoners were set adrift in an open
boat. After suffering terrible hardships the survivors were
34. See A. H. Bullen, .-'reface to his edition of Peter wilkins ,
picked up by a Portuguese ship and carried to Africa, whore on
a slaving expedition inland v/ilkins was captured and set to
work repairing a fortress. In company with a negro (llanlepze
he soon made his escape; and the two after various adventures
with lions, crocodiles, and enemies, reached Olanlepze's home.
There Peter remained for two years; but at the end of that time
he escaped to sea with some JSnglishmen in a stolen ship. Not
knowing whither to sail, the party drifted aimlessly for some
time until putting into a small island for water and wood, they
were overtaken by a terrific storm which carried the vessel,
containing only Peter and a companion named Adams, away toward
the south, hven after the wind had fallen and the sea subsided
the ship continued to drive rapidly in the same direction, drawn,
r/ilkins afterwards found, by the magnetic attraction of the load-
stone cliffs at the Pole upon some iron bars in the hold of the
boat. As they approached the rugged cliffs, Adams jumped for
the shore, but missing his footing fell into the sea, never to
be seen again.
Peter now attempted to make his solitary life more livable
by raiding the ship's stores, catching fish, and in general lead-
ing a sort of Robinson Crusoe life. On one of his many exploring
trips along the base of the cliff, his boat was suddenly sucked
into a swift current which carried him into an underground passage
from which after many hours of unutterable mental agony he emerged
into a peaceful "lake" surrounded by fertile shores, the whole,
however, cut off from all communication with the outside world
by a high and insurmountable wall of rock. In this terrestrial
paradise Tilkins established himself in a grotto, built a room
at its mouth, and rade himself as comfortable as possible. For
a considerable space the etory now reminds one of Crusoe's
efforts to suuply the lack of food and tools. Peter, for in-
stance, contrived a cart and a fish net; he found a twining
plant which furnished him a substitute for rope; he discovered
an abundance of fish in the "lake", as well as a marine beast
which supplied him with flesh, pelt, and oil; and he caught wild
fowl which he domesticated.
When the long, dark winter came on, he longed for com-
panionship, the absence of which he had not felt up to this time
owing to the pressure of supplying his immediate physical needs.
He was, too, disturbed by strange noises which at times seemed
to be in the air directly over his head, and at others to come
from the "lake". At last he decided that they were made by the
marine beasts which he caught from time to time; but looking
out from his hut one night, he was amazed to find that the cries
came from little "canoes" whioh fairly dotted the surface of the
water. To his further amazement, these "boats" suddenly rose,
into the air and trooped off over the summit of the rocky wall.
His fancied security thus invaded, Peter lived in mortal terror,
not being able to discover who or what these strange beings were
nor what he might expect from them. One night his fear was in-
creased by the sound as of a human body falling outside his home
and on investigation he found that a female of these strange
beings was lying unconscious outside the door of his cave. He
carried her in; and her injuries proving slight, she soon re-
covered. During the first months of their dwelling together he
learned, both having acquired some knowledge of the other's
language, that she belonged to a race of winded mortals who
dwelt beyond the wall, the youth of which came to sport in this
valley in the dark nights of winter since these people cannot
endure tho light of day. Being warned in a dream that his
English wife was dead, Peter now took Youwarkee, for such was
the name of this winged woman, in marriage. She bore him in due
time eight children, some of whom had the graundee a? tho wings
were called. By flying over the mountain range to the wreck,
she also brought him many useful articles, either carrying them
on her back, or casting them into the current which eventually
bore them into the "lake" whence Peter fished them out. ?hat
she might better face the long, and to him pleasant, daylight
of summer, he made her a pair of spectacles, and to give her a
more human appearance he showed her how to make clothes for her-
self and the children according to the European fashion.
In time, however, homesickness overcame her; so with her
husband's consent she departed for a visit to her father, taking
along two of the older children who had the graundee . Not long
after she returned with a great throng of irlums (males) and
Gawries (females), her father, who was a dignitary at home, bring-
ing with him an large retinue. Warned by messengers of the ap-
proach of this multitude, 7/ilkins and the remaining six children
prepared a great entertainment for them. Fishing and hunting
parties amazed the guests for in their homeland they ate nothing
but fruits, which, however, had the taste of various sorts of
flesh. Cooking, too, and clothes were new to them, Peter and
his wife causing much astonishment by changing their habiliments,
for the only garments these people knew were their graundee s ,
which, when not extended, enveloped them like a close-fitting
suit. The firoarns also caused f?roat consternation amonp* them.
This magnificent feHe, described in detail and not without
touches of humor, ended, the visitors departed; and the 7/ilkins
family settled down once more to a quiet domestic felicity.
Soon, however, a royal embassy appeared, demanding that
Peter pro at once to the land of the winged folk. In spite of
his protest that he could not fly, they insisted upon his making
the journey since an ancient prophecy had declared that in time
of a great danger the nation was to be saved by a man with hair
about his face, capable of flying and swimming without the
graundee, and "killing by unknown fire and smoke". After some
experimenting, Wilkins rigged up a sort of chariot, consisting
of a platform on to which a chair was securely fastened, the
whole to be carried by servants who supported it by cords at-
tached to the corners. In this machine he departed to the new
land, his family accompanying him, either on the wing or in the
chariot. Arrived in the new country, he at once began his re-
forms. The religion of the great god Collwar was purified of
its idolatrous practices; a secret conspiracy in the king's
privy council was exposed; an open rebellion was put down; rich
mining territories were added to the nation's possessions; and
a diplomatic marriage between a neighboring king and princess
was arranged. In short, ably seconded by certain of the king's
ministers, Wilkins raised the people from a nation subsisting
by slave labor upon the natural fruits of the forest to the
prototype of free and monarchical ?Jngland. His old age was de-
voted to the furthering of Christianity by translating the more
of the Bible
important passage s^into the native tongue of th n country. When,
however, hie v/ife died and he became too old to take an active
part in politics, nostalgia came upon him, and in a new chariot
he set out for the coast of South America; but the long overseas
flight so wearied his bearers that they allowed him to fall
into the sea, from which not long after he was rescued, as the
Introduction explains, by an English ship.
The indebtedness of Paltock to his predecessors is evi-
dent. Defoe inspired the earlier portions of the narrative and
is responsible for the F.obinsonade elements in general. Dorrins:-
ton's English Hermit may, also, have given paltock the suggestion
for making 7/ilkins desire a mate and for the dream which warned
him of his wife's death. From Godwin or Brunt he must, too,
have borrowed the plan by which he was transported through the
air. Bullen sees Swift's influence in the latter part of the
story but .'/ilkins takes a much more active part in the af-
fairs of the government than did Gulliver, or any other previous
voyage imaginaire hero. Paltock' s Introduction is, also, a
plain imitation of those which went before. It tells that Wil-
kins was found upon a raft of poles in latitude 75° or 76°
south, that the captain of the ship refused to carry him to
Bristol except for a cash passage, and that the "author" in
compassion supplied the deficiency of Peter's purse. In gradi-
tude for his kindness Jilkins dictated to his benefactor the
account of his adventures, which the latter wrote down as they
are here published. On the arrival of the ship at Bristol,
V/ilkins died, and again the kind and opulent author paid the
35. Bullen, A. H., Preface , pp. XVI - XVII.
"burial bill. As a recompense for these outlays he kept the
manuscript which he intended not to print, and which he pave to
the public only at the urgent insistence ol' his friends. This
is merely a variation of the trick begun by More, popularized
by Vairasse, and perpetuated by Defoe, Swift, and Desfontaine .
This lack of originality, nevertheless, cannot take
away the whole charm of Paltock's work. The fancy of it is
ingenious; the imagination, quaint; and the human touches are
most attractive. The story may not deserve all the extravagant
praise which Coleridge, Lamb, and Hunt gave it; but neither
does it merit all the abuse which the critic in the Monthly Re-
view heaped upon it when he wrote: "Here is a very strange per-
formance indeed. It seems to be the illegitimate offspring of
no very natural conjunction, like 'Gulliver's Travels' and
'Robinson Crusoe'; but much inferior to the manner of these two
performances as to entertainment or utility. It has all that
is impossible in the one or impossible in the other, without
the wit and spirit of the first, or the just strokes of nature
and useful lessons of morality in the second. However, if the
indention of win~s for mankind to fly with is sufficient amends
for the dullness and unmeaninr extravagance of the author, we
are willing to allow that this book hath some merit, and that
he deserves some encouragement at least as an able mechanic, if
not as a good author". Yet even were this condemnation just,
Paltock's Peter ~7ilkins would mark an epoch in the history of
the voyage imaginaire since it is the first book of the type
36. Bullen, A. H., Preface , pp. xii - xv .
37. Same, pp. x - xi .
written primarily to amuse. Before 1750 the narrative element,
which had been a growinp one in the voyage imari naire t had,
nevertheless, been subordinated to a more serious pu noose of
instruction or reform. Now the story could be written for its
own sake. This type of fiction, as were all others, was being
emancipated from the slavery of "ulterior purpose". 38 The off-
shoot did not at once bear fruit, but in the nineteenth century
Jules Verne, Poe, and de HI He are the lineal descendants of
this almost forgotten bencher of Clement's Inn, Robert paltock,
author of Peter v/ilkins .
While this genial and human novel was being written in
England, the Chevalier de Bethune in France was producing an
allegorical tale known as Le Monde de - Me retire » Although Carnier
included it in his Voyages Imaginaires , that editor appears to
recognize the questionableness of the classification. 40 No
mention of a voyage is made; but the author does at one place
make a comparison between this world and that in Mercury, 41 and
at another tells that he once witnessed a war in that planet.
The work is an allegorical satire on manners and customs, and
as such shows at times an ingenious and clever imagination on
38. Raleigh, W«, HiBtory of Fiction , pp. 136 and 219.
39. Vol. XVI.
40. Voyage s Imaginaires , vol. XVI, pg. xi, Editor's Preface ;
"conune il s'agit d'un peuple nouveau dont on decrit les
moeurs et le gouvernement ; comme 1 'on y donne le tableau de
la terre qu'il habite, et des differentes productions
qu'elle renferme dans son sein, cet ouvrage nous a paru se
rapprocher plus pres de voyages imaginaires que de tout
41. Sane, pg. 300.
42. Same, pg. 252.
the author's part, for example, he makes physical perfections
inheritable at the owner's death, and traces in detail the ef-
fects of the disease rengorgement which attacks ministers of
state. The descriptions of the salamanders, the power of meta-
morphosis enjoyed by the king of Mercury, and the description of
the circulation of the "blood suggest the cabalistic romances.
A work of a similar nature, but an undoubted voyage im-
ag-inaire , is Rounder' s Voyage de Milord Ceton dans les Sept
Planets , ^ which tells of the journey made into interstellar
space during the troubled times of the Civil War and the Common-
wealth by a royalist Unerlishman and his sister, Monime, under
the guidance of Zachiel, the family genius. To the people of
each planet is assigned some one human characteristic which by
exaggeration is made the object of praise or satire. The in-
habitants of the Moon are inconstant; those of Llercury, uneven in
temperament; those of Venus, devoted to sensual pleasures; those
of Liars, "formed for treason, stratagems, and spoils"; those of
the Sun, devoted by education to the pursuit of honesty, wisdom,
and truth; those of Jupiter, filled with pride and actuated by
an extortionate cruelty and selfishness; and those of Saturn,
dedicated to modesty and virtue. Intermingled with the disserta-
tion on the inhabitants are descriptions of the various coun-
tries, meant, no doubt, to apply, as the case might be, to France
as she was or, under proper conditions, might be, and the whole
is enlivened by many "histories" of lovers and by the various
love adventures of Momine, the sister, who finally marries the
Kinc? of Saturn. But not even such episodes, nor the rides on
43. Date uncertain; probably before 1771.
comets, nor the metamorphoses into flies which the brother and
sister undergo can suffice to animate a thousand pages of clumsy
satire. ; Sven the author appears to prrow weary of his task, for
each succeeding book is shorter than the preceding.
The evil days upon which the voyage imaginaire had fallen
are still further illustrated by the Voyage d 'Alcimedon of Llar-
tigny (1759) and Clairfon's Les Isle ; Fortunees (1771). The first
is a description of a land where women love men only for their
virtue and true worth; and the second is a bit of pastoral nar-
rative in which the marriage of a shepherd and a shepherdess
furnishes the chief incident, The inadaptability of the voyage
to these purposes is readily seen by any who reads the books.
Such works have their roots deep in the pastoral tradition of
Sidney and his school; their aim is entirely divorced from those
which have found in the voyage iraaginaire a useful means of ex-
pression — the description of ideal states and satire. The
bliss of Clairfons shepherds is, of course, idyllic, but it is
so only because they are shepherds: their being removed from the
world has, seemingly, nothinrr to do with it. Moreo\ r er, in pre-
vious works of the genre the voyage was an absolute necessity in
order to transport the hero to the new land and in order to fur-
nish an opportunity for adventure. But neither of these authors
had any need for the former motif; and Llartigny had not wit
enough to seize, nor Clairfons genius enough to manage the op-
portunities offered by the second possibility. Fortunately,
later writers did not seek to imitate this variety of the voyage
The last half of the eighteenth century was, however,
rescued from the charge of utter sterility in this type of
fiction by the appearance of Guillarne Grivel's L 'Isle Inconnue
(1783 - 1787). It is a lonr narrative, containing some thirteen
hundred pages, of mingled Hobinsonade and Utopian elements, em-
bellished with long "histories" of the Chevalier Gastines and
Eleanor d'Aliban, the hero and heroine, before their shipwreck
off the coast of the island on which they afterward make their
home. Following the landing, they set up housekeeping, but out
of respect for Eleanor's father, whose body they, found drowned
upon the shore, they deferred their nuptials for a year. Twenty-
three children, of whom all but one survived to maturity, blessed
this union. These are evenly divided between the two sexes, and
intermarry after having received an exemplary education by both
precept and example — being never coddled, never indulged, and
never witnessing any display of passion on the part of the par-
ents. At first this large family lived under one roof; but as
more and more of them marrier, separate establishments were set
up. With this growth of the state, a new system of education had
to be adopted. A scheme was thereupon devised, based on the as-
sumption that the aim of education is to create a man " sensible .
robuBt e, social " t while that of instruction is to form a citizen
" juste , experimente and instructed in the principles of social
rights and duties and in the nature of the reciprocal bonds which
unite the executive and the social group. The fi rst part of this
44. I have not see n The Praise of Hell : or, a View of the Infernal
Regions (1760), L'Histoire d'un Nouveau Peuple ( 1756 ) , A
Voyage" through Hell (1770), or The Pope's Journey to the
Other World ( 1791) , all anonymous as far as I can find.
training is Riven in tho homo. The latter portion in the school.
When six yeare of ape, the youths from a district comprising
twenty houses are assembled under the kindest, wisest, and most
patient master procurable, who instructs them in readinr, writing,
arithmetic, geometry, and ethics. 7/hen pupils reach the age of
ten, they are put into a second class which consists of the
children drawn from a district embracing fifty houses. Here they
study history. Children from thirteen to fifteen are drawn to-
gether out of groups of two hundred homes, and instructed in
grammar, philosophy, and rhetoric. The fourth and last class,
composed of those between fifteen and twenty, pursue hie-her
ethics, political science, and jurisprudence. Ha^inp passed
through this "school", each male resident must pass an examina-
tion based upon a catechism of political science; otherwise he
is barred from exercising the perogatives of citizenship.
The form of government established was that of a monarchy,
which the Chevalier Gastines claimed was an outgrowth of the
patriarchal, in its own turn, the natural form since the father
by right has tho control over his offspring. It is, moreover,
better fitted, according to his claims for an agricultural state
such as this one. To fix the practice of the state, the Chevalier
created a constitution divided into two parts — fundamental laws
and positive laws -- which may be summarised as follows*.
The Fundamental Laws.
1. The right of nature is the right to existence and to happi-
ness; these include the peaceful possession of all real and
personal property acquired without injury to another.
2. Since liberty is essentially a natural right, property of
any sort may be enjoyed in any way whatsoever as lonf as such
enjoyment does not in any way injure any other member of
the social group.
3. Justice is the fundamental law of society which insures
the enjoyment of property.
4. All laws must aim at the assurance of the possession of
5. f Jhe succession to the throne is fixed in the eldest male
6. Refusal to bear arms either against an enemy without or
within the state, or to join in the apprehension and punish-
ment of any who conspire against property or law, shall de-
prive the one so refusing of all political and civil rights.
7. Ililitary service shall be required of all males capable
of bearing arms.
8. Land shall be taxed according* to its income.
9. The most fertile, fields shall pay a sixth of their in-
come in taxes; the less fertile, a tenth.
10. A permanent court of justice shall be established to hear
cases and render decisions.
11. Capital punishment shall not be inflicted for any crime.
12. An instructed citizenship being necessary to the intelli-
gent conduct of the state, public instruction shall be pro-
vided for all.
1. Public properties, such as seas, rivers, roads, and canals
shall be free to all, and no restriction shall be placed up-
on their use .
2. As long as land shall be available, each new household
shall be given a tract equal in extent to that already given
3. A father may will his property to any one of his sons; but
in default of specifications, it shall fall to the eldest.
4. As long as government lands are not exhausted, no father
may divide his property.
5. Daughters may not inherit; they shall at marriage receive
a dowry of household utensils as specified by the state.
45. See page
6. '.Then the public lands shall hare been exhausted, one
fourth of a father's property may be willed to whichever of
his children he sees fit, and the reminder shall be equally
divided among the other children of both sexes.
7. .Whenever a new household is set up, the twelve nearest
neighbors shall assist in the erection of the house and the
8. »rhen a couple marries, the parents of the man shall fur-
nish them with farm implements, animals, seeds, and food to
last until the harvest; and the bride's parents shall, supply
the household furniture, kitchen utensils, and linen. No
other dowry shall bo given.
9. 7/ills may be made by entering the items in one's diary,
or by declaration before four witnesses drawn from one's
10. That one of the sons who is declared the heir, shall be
the head of the family; and all unmarried brothers and sisters
shall obey him as such.
11. An accused person shall be tried before a jury of twelve
peers, who shall take the testimony and pass the sentence;
but the sentence shall not be executed until it is approved
by the sovereign.
12. Quarrels may be adjusted by arbiters; if arbitration
fails, the tribunal of justice shall pass upon the case.
13. An accused shall not be considered guilty until so
proved. He shall not be confined before his trial unless
such action is necessary to insure his presence at court, but
in any case he shall not be confined in an unhealthy spot.
14. The odium of crimes shall not extend beyond the criminal's
person. Fines shall be paid in labor.
15. Injuries to property shall be expiated by labor for the
injured party; murder by labor on public works.
16. There shall be the following bureaus: (1) of public and
private education, (2) of agriculture, navigation, and com-
merce, (3) of public works, (4) of public collections and
disbursements, (5) of military and public defence, (6) of
justice, (7) of state, the last having the pov/er of review-
ing and revising the orders of the other tribunals or
17. Demonstrated ability shall be the sole criterion on which
to choose men for these tribunals. No monetary reward shall
be attached to any public office, over and above that which the
state shall deem sufficient for the support of the officer's
1G. The chief shall bo both temporal and spiritual head
of the state; he shall conduct himself as a model and a
19. He shall proclaim and celebrate feasts and ceremonies
proper for honoring agriculture as the first of all arts.
20. All fetes shall be both religious and la;/ In character.
To these in due time were added laws providing for the
support of widows, and various supplements allowinr more strin-
gent punishments for criminals, such as tho death penalty, brand-
ing, hard labor, and exposure to public censure. Penalties for
lesser infractions of the law were also graduated so as to obtain
a more perfect justice.
The colony prospered under these wise and just institu-
tions until, in the third generation, a grandson of the second
brother of the second generation sought to establish a republican
form of government. He was actuated by motives of revenue a-
gainst the heir-apparent, and seconded by a man named TTilson, an
Englishman whom the islanders had once rescued from the savapes
of a neighboring island. By a clever stratagem the conspirators
were forced to declare themselves at a public assembly. They
argued that monarchy was natural only as long as the first
father lived, that at his death all the sons had an equal right
to the succession, than an hereditary succession may give a
nation a king unfit to govern, that it submits the state to the
passions of a single man, and that republican governments are
safer because of the system of checks and balances they afford.
The answer given was that nature gives the normal animal only
46. I have purposely omitted in this summary all of the Robin-
son element in order to keep the treatment within reason-
one head, that republican government only increases the danrers
present in an individual sovereign by increasing the number of
administrators, that, as history shows, monarchies hare endured
longer than republics, and that monarchy has worked in the island.
The monarchy was, naturally, triumphant in the vote; and peace
was restored once more.
Grivel wrote, naturally, in the Utopian tradition. His
regulations, his educational system, his property allottment,
his prosperity are not fundamentally different in kind or in
aim from those of any other author who wrote describing an ideal
state; and the Robinsonade part of the story savors too much of
Defoe and his imitators to claim any originality. One note-
worthy change in the treatment of the subject Grivel did make.
Heretofore authors of Utopias, like the Greek philosophers, con-
ceived of states as being made, cut from whole cloth upon a
pattern previously designed and selected. Grivel 's nation, on
the other hand, grows; it evolves; and in its development meets
new problems which must be solved. In this the influence of
the new political philosophy is apparent. Rousseau, humanitar-
ianism, and the social contract stare at one from even 7 page of
the six volumes. Its length and doctrinaire character impair
the literary value of I 'Isle Inconnuet , just as the story element
detracts from the propagandist purpose. But Grivel was neither
a novelist nor an artist. L 'Isle Inconnu6 is the only piece of
fiction he ever wrote; and in it he could not be expected to
forget that he was the author of a Theorie de 1 'Education (1776)
or that he was interested in the administration of the
As the eighteenth century drew to its elope a now al-
most forgotten English novelist, George 7,'alker, stung- into a
frenzy of fear by the revolutionary doctrines of the Godwin-
7ollstonecraft-Holorof t-Hume school of pseudo-political philoso-
phers, combined the Utopia and the satiric voyage in volume II,
chapters 7 and 8, of his Vagabonds , (1799) a novel intended to
exhibit a complete refutation of the principles laid down in
Godwin's Political Justice . In the section mentioned above
77alker depicts the sorry condition into which a state founded
upon Godwinian tenets, had fallen. Hhe nation, settled by
Hebrews, lies somewhere in the Mississippi valley. As the vaga-
bonds enter it they meet a naked man walking in profound medita-
tion, who, they learn upon inquiry, meditates upon the good of
the state. Going farther, they see a man hammering a tree with
his fist in order to drive "this idea" from his path. No labor,
they find, is ever completed in this country because, although
each citizen is required to spend but one-half hour each day
at productive work, the people either cannot make up their minds
what task to perform, or their time is up before the job can
be got under way. Thus art, building-, food production, clothing-
manufactures, everything is at a standstill, A naked people is
slowly starving to death under an ideal system of government.
Communism of women, the visitors also discover, was instituted
47. He also wrote Princip e de politique , de finance , d 'agri -
culture , de legislation , et autre s Tranches d 'adminTst ra-
tion , 2 vols., 1789, and jntretiens d'un jeune Prince
aye c son Gouverneur . He was on the editorial staff of
the Nouvelle -Ccole du Monde in 1764, and he wrote
articles on politicaT s c i enc e for encyclopedias.
at the founding of the republic, but was eoon superseded by a
marriarre regulation since inside of two weeks there was not "a
virgin above fourteen" in the country. Criminals are not
punished because since a man's nature is always changinr, it is
impossible to discipline a man for a past crime; consequently
lawlessness is rife. This state, founded in an effort to realize
the enormous possibilities of man's boundless perfectibility, is
in a bad way.
Walker's ability as a novelist, satirist, and propagan-
dist is not great. He views innovations with too much alarm; he
is too nervous; he is in a state of perpetual panic. But his
criticism is not without some foundation. The starving dwellers
in this once ideal state are, it is to be feared, more nearly
true to type than are the sleek inhabitants of Utopia and
Severambia. Nineteenth century authors, however, did not know
V/alker's gloomy picture, or, if they did, chose to turn their
eyes upon brighter canvases where were only snakeless shadows.
And so talker's hysterical effort to stem the Utopian tide came
all to naught .
In spite of this inauspicious close the eighteenth
century saw great developments in the voyage imaginaire . Swift,
at the opening of the second quarter, seized upon the satirical
voyage of Hall and Cyrano de Bergerac, and recognizing the vast
possibilities which it contained, gave it through the medium
of his genius and his vigor far more narrative interest than it
had before possessed, and added to its satire a def initeness
and point which previously it had altogether lacked. In his
footsteps trod Brunt, Desfontaine, Holberg, Bethune, and Roumier,
each doing in his lesser way what the great rnastor of satire
had marked out, Berington, or whoever wrote (raudentio di Lucca,
made the utopia moro readable; and even though he made no es-
sential innovation in the Utopian elements or in the effort to
force belief, he must be remembered as the author who brought to
perfection the art of blendinp* personal adventure and the de-
scription of an ideal state. Later still, Robert Faltock, dream-
ing: away his inactive days in a quiet corner of London, institut-
ed a new type of voyage imaginaire — that written primarily to
amuse; and the gentle imagination which he loosed in Peter
V/ ilk ins has been, beyond doubt, the inspiration of that prolific
author Jules Verne. Grivel in France and Walker in England also
introduced new types of Utopias, which, however, appear to have
died without issue and are now well nigh forgotten even by
scholars. But one fact must stand out in all the century. The
spirit which presides over the inspiration of voyage s imagin -
aires had again returned to England where was its modern home.
In 1516 Thomas More had fathered at once the utopia and the
voyage imaginaire , and in the years between that date and 1650 the
names of all the great writers of the type, with one exception,
are HJn^lish — Godwin, Hall, and Bacon. The succeeding period
was predominantly ^rench, cont ributin.c the names of Cyrano de
Bergerac, TairaEse, and Foipny. But in the eighteenth swift,
Berington, and Paltock are, without dispute, the central figures.
The nineteenth century lies outside the bounds of this study;
but in 1800 the development of the ^oyage imaginaire was complete.
Its authors had learned how to make it a story and how to lend
it verisimilitude. The had adapted it to the portrayal of
Utopian conditions and to the purposes of moral, political,
and philosophic satire. All its possibilities had been developed.
Later authors could hut continue the tradition of the inapinary
state and add to the effort of P.obert Paltock the elemrnt of
a more probable, but still fanciful science.
THE ARTISTIC THEORY AUD DBVBL05MENT THE VOYAGE IMAGINAIRE .
With the close of the eighteenth century the development
of the voyage ima?inairo , as has been pointer' out, was practically
complete, and the only task remaining for its authors was to
bring to full fruition the last off-shoot, that whose aim was
primarily to amuse. The change from the type as written in 1516
to that as written in 1799 was great . L ' Isle Inconnue , to dis-
regard the fragment in ',7alker ' s Vagabonds , is as different from
the Utopia as Ho re's England was from Grivel's France. Hot only
had the political situation change^ throughout Europe; there had
also been great developments in prose fiction as a whole which
had a marked effect upon that branch known here as the voyage
iraaginaire ♦ V/ar had been waged upon this fictional practice
and that. Attack and defence had been made with equal vigor.
Standing usually upon the borderline between fiction, and some
other field of intellectual endeavor politics, education,
philosophy, or social criticism the voyage imaginaire was
naturally affected by these practices and theories; but being
more often the product of men who were not professional romancers
or novelists, it, as naturally, expresses in itself but little
of fictional theory. To call the roll of the writers of p-reat
voyages imaprinaires More, Campanella, Bacon, Vairasse, Poigny,
Swift, Deefontaine, Bering ton, and paltoek is to mention
many names seldom included in histories of the novel. Sidney,
Aleman, Cervantes, Sorel, Camus, Scudery, Calpronede, jJefoe,
and I.larivaux are not there. No survey of the tyne would, however,
be complete were a consideration of fictional theory and its ef-
fect upon the voyage imaginaire to he omitted.
At its modern beginning in 1516 the voyage imaginaire ,
as has been shown, was purposive literature, and purposive liter-
ature it was to remain until 1750 and after. An "ulterior pur-
pose, moral or political" enveloped it. In this the type fol-
lowed the fictional fashion prevalent in its own day. Dr. A. J.
Tieje finds that before 1740 prose fiction had five aims-. 1 amuse-
ment, edification, instruction, representation of life, arous-
ing sympathetic emotion; but he also finds that the last two
are rarely proclaimed. The first, moreover, was on the defen-
sive, Boccaccio and Bandello, for instance, staunchly defending
the right of the author to entertain his reader; but the tendency
was against them, and their translators, Painter and "Penton, did
not hesitate to insert passages, often lascivious and licentious
to a surprising degree, in an effort to point the pathway to
morality. Even picaresque literature had to profess a purity of
aim by announcing the intention of bringing the hero to a bad
end; Guzman d'Alfarche was to pass his last days in the gallies,
and the English rogue was to be swept off by the plague. 2 As
late as Defoe death or reformation were the only courses open
to a villain. And Garnier in his prefaces constantly assures
; 1. The Expressed Critical Theory of Europe~an~Prose Fiction before
174° . pp. 3~~~4~ ~
2. Aleman, 11., Guzman d'Alfarche (1509); Head, R. and Kirkman
P., EnglisFlTogue (1665 - 1680).
the reader that instruction as well as amusement awaits him in
the pages which follow. So, as did all other types of fiction,
the voyage inaginairo had to content itself with edifying or
instructing its readers.
This iif did in full measure. Ideal oeoples pass before
us in the pages of More, Campanella, and Vairasse; oerfect edu-
cational systems are exhibited by Andreae, Bacon, and Sri veil
the high moral qualities of Foigny's hemaphrodites and Swift's
Brobdingnags insnire us: and Cyrano de Bergerao, Swift, and
Desfontaine tell us what contemptible beings we mortals are.
Even Kirkby as late as 1745 aimed at "service to the cause of
religion and virtue"; and Paltock, writing evidently to amuse,
expresses the hope that his volumes may be "perhaps useful".
This moral aim also affected other portions of theory
as applied to the voyage imaginaire . In the Utopias, for in-
stance, character could not receive attention. Interest being
centered in the nature of the state and its practice, men, ex-
cept en bloc , were of little interest; and seldom do we learn
anything of individuals, national character alone being por-
trayed. Perhaps it was a realization of this lack, perhaps it
was, as I am inclined to think, the desire for variety, which
led authors such as Nicius and Vairasse to include "histories
of lovers in their works. But always as in the satirical
voyages , such as Milor d Ceton , these digressions seek to shed
light upon the practice of the nation under discussion or to
add point to the satire. Sometimes they relate antecedent
events of importance to the story, as in Grivel's L 1 Isle Inoonnue .
They are never mere digression for degression's sake or even
for that of art. They have a real just if ioation for being.
Characterization of the traveller himself is slight in the early
voyages. His voracity and probity are amply attested, but that
is all; and Campanella and Bacon dispense even with this cere-
mony. Only in Gaudentio di Lucca is he described at lenpth, and
that in the Int roauc t ion . The picaresque heroe? of the more ad-
venturous type of voyage imaginaire are better drawn, but not
even in these is there any real character sketching, the em-
bryonic rascals of Gonzales, Desfontaine, and Paltock never
getting beyond the possibility of evil.
Character sketching v/as, furthermore, hindered by the
autobiographical form of the voyage , for a man cannot be expected
to describe himself. L'odesty forbids it. And the voyage imagin -
aire has never in its pure types been weaned away from the first
person in its narrative.. The long discussions over the relative
values of first and third person never affected it. The sus-
pense which the latter point of view gives was not a matter of
concern with this type of fiction. She omniscience which comes
with the former was absolutely necessary both as a means of
explaining how the author came by his knowledge and as a means
of gaining verisimilitude. Even the introductions and prefaces
which tell of the manuscripts cannot deviate into descriptions
of the hero; for not infrequently the editor has ne% r er seen the
"author". Siden's manuscript was come by secondhanded, and
Kirkby found his in a "trunk". Thus the author being unwilling
to tell about himself, and the editor unable to do so, the
hero's character must be inferred from such incidental sources
as the narrative affords; and the descriptive nature of the
o-f— tlxe voyage im^inair e and its frequent luck of personal ad-
venture £ive few such opportunities.
Purpose had, too, a deterrent effect upon the introduction
Of the love element into the voyage imaginaire . Prom the early
Utopias love is conspicuously absent, but Frythraeus grafted a
love episode on to this Uudemia (1637). Vairasse, however, was
the first to connect the hero with such an emotion when he made
Captain Siden marry three wives and return to Europe after their
deaths because he was lonely. Berington followed his lead in
Gaudent io di Lucca; and Foi.n;ny made misplaced sensual affection
the reason for Sadeur's leaving- Australia. Desfontaine, however,
had the honor of first formulating; a theory on this point: "They
(the opponents of Gulliver ) complain of not having been interested
by intrigues and by emotional scenes; they wished a fiction ac-
cording to rules, and they have found only a succession of alle-
gorical voyap-es, without any amoroup a-l iT enture One has
had a certain regard for their taste in this work. Neverthe-
less, one has only moderately committed himself to this, for
fear of departing from the genre". Yet while love does play
an important part in the voyage i mag i na i r e after 1730, and in
Milord Geton and Peter Wilkins leads to marriage, it never
became, before 1000 at least, an intimate part of the narrative
fabric; and as late as L T Isle Inconnue the love episodes, as in
all other Utopias, remained apart from the purposive sections
of the story.
The political or moral aim of the voyage imaginaire also
determined the descriptive elements which entered into it.
3. Tieje, A. J., The Expressed Theory of "'''rose Fiction before
1740 , pgTTlT. '
.'/hereas description was early recognized by theorist? of fiction
as beinr one of the thinr-p which might he pared away to the
consequent unification of the narrative, it always retained its
place in the Utopia since in some form or other description was
a necessary adjunct of that form of fiction. Without it ideal
cities, prosperous and well-managed republics could not be
presented; without it manners and customs could not be praised
or satirized. Description was the very breath of life in the
voyage i maginaire . Only once, however, does description ar,pear
for its own sake in this type of narrative; Barnes in his
Gerania indulged himself in a highly ornate description of dawn.
Everywhere else the effort is always expended on a subject ger-
mane to the central theme: Amaurote in the Utopia , the walls in
the Civitas Soils , the college in the New Atlantis , and the
temple in L 'Histoire des severambes . Thus while description was
decried by all the theorists of fiction except Mile. Scudery,
in the voyage imaginaire it found not only a refuge but a legiti-
In the modern sense of accurate setting, however, de-
scription was unknown to authors of the voyage imaginaire as it
appears, as far as I know, to have been unknown to writers of
other types of fiction. The cause is not far to seek; for what-
ever demands in this direction may have been made upon the authors
of pastoral, heroic, and other types of romances or novels, and
whatever may have been their efforts to supply them, the writers
of the voyage imaginaire were perfectly free in this respect.
As they created their peoples, so they created the countries
in which those peoples lived* Since no iiuropean except Siden
had ever visited doverambia and returned, who was to question the
truth of his setting? This freodom of imagination was almost
the peculiar property of those who produced this type of fiction
since they alone were exempted from the limits naturally imposed
upon those who dealt with the known world; and so in a time when
imagination had to justify its existence, the voyage imaging ire
did yeoman service in keeping this inspiring force alive.
This very advantage, nevertheless, placed a heavy burden
upon the authors of the voyage imaginaire . Dealing with lands
not charted upon the maps, with peoples strange either because
of their perfection, depravity, or size, these writers had to
make an especial effort to secure belief on the reader's part.
The bald assertion of having seen a thing, which had served
Herodotus and Handeville, was no longer sufficient. Nor was
the author's proclamation of his own veracity as it is illustrated
in Liandeville 's fiction of the Pope's approval for his book. The
most natural method after these for forcing belief was to bolster
up one's assertion by the citation of authorities; and from the
time of Godwin onward this practice was common among authors of
the voyage imaginaire , Poigny, Barnes, Daniel, and Desfontaine
all using it. But to it was added a further habit of protesting
that incredulity was folly. Godwin so asserted, and others after
him, even Vairasse with his elaborate Preface deigning to employ
this trick. The greatest tool of the voyage imaginaire for
p-aining credence was the pretended manuscript. Godwin, who first
made a claim to such a document, failed to recognize the hidden
possibilities of such a device; but Vairasse did, and "at once
upon the publication of the exceedingly popular Severambians ,
the highly developed preface became a constant feature of the
voyage imapinaire ", while "the historical novels, the chronigue
scandaleuse , the frame -work cont e des f e^e s, and, in esnecial,
the picaresque tales and the novel of manners by such important
authors as Defoe, Prevost, and Marivaux speedily adopted the
device" . 4
Complete originality in these inventions cannot, however,
be claimed for the authors of the voyage imaginaire . ''rotesta-
tions as to the truth of the narrative are common even before
1579. Bandello before that date and the unknown author of the
Serpent of Horsham (1614) after it vehemently proclaim the truth
of their narratives; while "after 1614", says Dr. A. J. Tieje,
"assertions cf veracity can be gathered at random from every
type of fiction save the frame-work conte des f 6es , the pastoral,
allegorical, and satirical romances".* 5 Citation of authority,
too, is universal in prose fiction, and is not at all confined to
the voyage imaginaire , Defoe, ^revost, and I\:arivaux, according
to ')t. A. J. Tieje, best showing the force of the movement. ^
Cervantes, moreover, had, or claimed to have had, a manuscript
from which he transcribed Don Quixote (1605 - 1616); and so
common was the ruse that when Mile. Scudery wrote her Alamene in
1649, she could say to those who doubted the truth of the narra-
tive that they could "imagine" she had found a manuscript in
the Vatican. To this elaborate manuscript device all fiction
writers who use it added the practice of attesting the editor's
or the author's veracity or probity. Although this has been in
4. Tie ,}e , ' . J., The Expressed Critical Theory of Europ e an Prose
Fiction before 1740 , pp. 44 - 4b.
5. Same, pg. 41.
6. Same, pg. 43.
part discussed under characterization, 7 it nay again bo considered
here. Even as Peter Giles witnessed L'ore's fidelity in relating
the conversation with Hythloday or as Gulliver was a "proverb"
among the "neighbors at Redriff", so Cid Benengeli "appears when-
ever Cervantes wishes to strike back at his ill-wishers".^ The
device of Sadeur's crocodiles has already been cited, ? and Des-
fontaine hides behind a rescued Hollander when he describes the
lands about Terra del Fuego. This practice is not unlike Defoe's
in Mrs. Veal (1706), nor that of Sandras in Guy Joli (168-), and
Vairasse's supplementary witnesses — LI. van Dam, Thomas Skinner,
and the Dutch commissioner -- have a numerous progeny in the
pages of eighteenth century fiction.
Further effort to force belief centers around accuracy of
detail and directness of style. The exactness with which certain
authors pointed out the geographical locations of their lands has
been pointed out, and the addition of maps which began with Hall
is found as late as the publication of Gulliver ' s Travels . Foiprny
and Yairasse were the first, however, to exploit geographical
accuracy; and the efforts of Defoe, Desfontaine, and Berington
in this respect are merely imitations of these tv/o . The first,
for instance, boasts that failure awaits "all the endeavor of
envious people who reproach ( Robinson Crusoe ) with being a romance,
to search it for errors in geography". In this respect the
voyage imaginaire was more realistic than other forms of fiction
since the authors of the heroico-historical , allegorical, and
7 . Tie je, A . J . , The Expressed Critical Theory of -European Prose
Fiction before 1740, pg. 43.
8. Same, pg . 46.
9. See pg.
pastoral romances felt no especial call to force belief in this
fashion; but pleased themselves rather with vague countries ly-
ing nowhere in particular, or with a strangely falsified geog-
Such a craze for accuracy had also an effect upon style
in the voyage imaginaire . These works had perforce to be auto-
biographical, or be edited from manuscripts which were bo, since
otherwise their veracity would have been open to doubt; conse-
quently they were for the most part supposed to have been written
by seamen or by men with little education. This accounts for the
simplicity of style in Peter V/ilkins. In L 'Histoire des Severambes
the "unornamented" language of the manuscript is indicated as a
sure proof of its genuineness. This practice is equally character-
istic of other forms of fiction. Jackson's Recantation (1674)
"apologizes thus for its 'plainness of style'"; the Memoirs of an
English Officer is not ''embellished with rhetorical flourishes";
Prevost in Doyen of Killerine (1735) says that the wish to be
truthful has made him "sincere" if not graceful in style; and
Marivaux's Marianne asks: "Shall I write as I write letters?" 1 - 1 -
Yet "ornateness of style is as likely in the early eighteenth
century to be connected with the desire for belief as is plainness
of tone". The voyage imaginaire , however, was saved from becom-
ing rhetorical by its very purpose. It did not aim at arousing
sympathetic emotion; its desire was to instruct. This end it
found best served by directness. Description was for a useful
10. The hero, of Pal mer in of England (1540) enters, not long after
leaving London, an enchanted valley.
11. Tieje, A. J. The Expressed Critical Theory of European Prose
Fi ction bef ore~^.74Q , pg. 54.
tool; and so, excopt in rare instances, such as those in Lea
Isles Fortunce s or the Voyage d ' Alcinedon . it was expository
rather than impressionistic, simple rather than ornate.
The problem oi' the unities that exercised Calprenede did
not, it appears, affect the voyage imaginaire , for the unity of
place which he employed to bind his numerous plots together
was impossible in a travel book. Furthermore, the very nature
of this sort of fiction made necessary the inclusion of a great
variety of materials — descriptions of governments, religions,
home-life, dress, manners, customs, morals, landscapes, and so
forth, which in themselves destroyed all possibility of a uni-
fied plot except such as came from centering the story about a
single country or a single hero. Often, too, as in the Utopia
and L 'Histoi re des Severambes , there is no order in the presenta-
tion of the details, a single one occurring and re-occurrin°"
throughout the narrative. Like other forms of fiction early began
to include the "histories" of lovers; and these form the p-reatest
violations of unity within the type, although, as with Vairasse
and Berington, some attempt is made to attach them to the main
thread of the story by using thern as illustrative material. Still
they remained apart from the main theme until the time of Paltock
when the voyage tended to become a story pure and simple.
Other theorizing about style did not seriously affect the
voyage imagi naire. The general practice of the heroico-historical
romance of beginning in medias res was that of More, Oampanella,
and Bacon; but such abrupt opening, since the purpose of the voy -
age imaginaire precluded a graceful "recurrence to former events
which was possible in other forrs of fiction, left t^e story
incomplete or awkwardly arranged, i'ore alone managed to perform
the feat with some decree of skill, but he could only mention
Hythloday ' s wanderings; the prior experiences of the Genoese
captain and Bacon's crew are unknown to the reader. With Vair-
asse began the rise of the autobiographical beginning although
Godwin had used it to some extent, and Cyrano also; and after
him, probably under the encouragement of t>^e picaresque tale,
it continued to be the regular practice. So popular was it, in
fact, that in 17H7 Brunt wrote with the appearance of asperity;
"Nothing is more common than a Traveller's beginning the Account
of his Voyages with one of his Family; in which, if he can't
boast Antiquity, he is sure to make it up with the Probity of
his Ancestors. As it can in no way interest my Header, I shall
decline following a Method, which I can't but think ridiculous,
as unnecessary. I shall only say, that by the Death of my Father
and Mother, which happened while I was an Infant, I fell to the
Care of my Grandfather by my Mother, who was a Citizen of some
Note in Bristol , and at the Age of Thirteen sent me to Sea
Prentice to a Master of a Merchant -man' 1 . His attack had, how-
ever, little effect; for Peter w'ilkins imitates Jacques sadeur
in recounting all of his adventures; and if, as did Mouhy and
G-rivel, authors begin with a raging storm, they soon find space
to halt the narrative and tell of the hero's earlier days. But
general practice in the voyage imaginair e has approved the
Thus far it is clear that in the development of fictional
theory the v oyage imaginaire has followed as often as it has led,
reflected as often as it has been reflected. Only in the effort
to force "belief has this type contributed much to general practice
But in spite of its apparent imitation in theory, the voyare in -
aginaire had made an important contribution to prose fiction.
Without it the most interesting Utopias would never have come to
he, a most interesting form of satire would remain unwritten,
and a highly exciting type of adventure story would be absent
from our shelves.
If these authors had not transported their heroes or them-
selves into far off lands, the description of the ideal state must
have remained forever the abstract philosophical treatise of Plata
By the addition of the personal element, by the direct and con-
crete presentation of a supposed actuality, made possible only by
a supposed eye-witness 1 narration of his own experiences, the
voyage imaginaire added to the philosophic speculation and gave
the ideal state a reality it otherwise could not have had. The
Utopia thus became a living force. Its reality, and consequently
its practicability, was less open to question. By its probability
it emphatically answered the charge of being visionary. Plato
could be charged with dreaming; he admitted his Republic to be a
soul state unrealizable on earth. Not so More, Yairasse, and
Bering-ton. Utopia, Severanbia, Mezarania challenge our disbelief.
In saner moments, of course, we deny their existence; but under
the magic spell of their authors they rise in vivid detail. For
the moment we lonn* to stroll down the well-sheltered streets of
Amaurote, or present a half -blown rose to some dusky, moon-be-
spangled lady in central Africa. The ideal becomos the real.
The Utopian times are here as no political or philosophic tract
can conjure them into being.
To satire also the voyiro lnaglnalrg lent a power not
otherwise inherent in that sort of writing. '.Vithout the rirht
to describe imaginary lands, satirists would hare found them-
selves limited in scope; and without the additional privilege of
transporting a hero into those lands, satire, like the utopia,
would ha T -e found even the imaginary country of no great advantage,
for the concreteness necessary to effective composition would
have been denied. The exaggeration permitted by the first of
these licenses is a requisite of satire. A glutton in ^n^land
affords only limited opportunities for gibes; transferred into
Cramilia, he is a victim of the author's unfettered imagination.
Vraisemblance may be cast to the winds. Fancy can sport at rill.
T .7alls of bones, schools of gluttony, magistrates chosen by waist
measure are not impossible there. Rocks, soft as velvet, melted
by a lover's sighs, may exist in the Arcadia of Bougeant's Prince
Fanferedin , but not in any known country of this terrestrial
globe. So satire gains when it takes the form of the voyage im-
aginaire. The possibility which the voyage imaginaire further
allows of identifying the reader with the hero also makes the
satire more keen. Cyrano's humiliation before the court of
birds is our own. Gulliver's disgust at the Yahoos is ours.
Human sympathy pulses in the pages of such satire.
Finally, the voyage imaginaire has made the story of ex-
travagant adventure possible. As long as such fiction had to
confine itself within the bounds of the known world so long did
it run the danger of becoming ridiculous. Enchanted forests,
magic castles, and marvellous beasts are out of place near home.
The frame-work conte des f£es made magic possible in fiction by
the introduction of an oriental letting; but the voyagg estab-
lished another branch of the surprising. Exotic plants, it range
beasts, unknown lands and peoples march through its pa?es.
Winded folk and hairy marine monsters are not improbable in
Peter ,/ilkin's rock-walled valley; but the creatures of pal-
tock's imagination show tawdry in the white light of day. They
need the soft and transf ormin?: magic of the glow which is eriven
off only by the voyagre imaginaire . In this theater of the imag-
inary voyage a veritable wonder house is displayed. Imagination
is once more free, and the incredible becomes the real.
This was the contribution of the voyage imaginaire to
prose fiction in the days when imagination was decried, it
kept alive the flame which must for ever inspire all creative
art. Even when the shibboleth of ' ! ulterior purpose" ruled its
destiny, when utilitarian aims were its final p-oal, its authors,
perhaps unknowingly, sounded the call, and around the standard
rallied men who, dreaming, saw beyond the present into the misty
distance of the future. To-day many of Bacon's imaginings have
been realized; science has given us the Maxim 9mn, the aeroplane,
and the telegraph. May not Amaurote some day rise from the
ashes a rejuvenated London? Or Severambian humanitarianism rule
the world? Idealism lives within the pages of these books.
May it not some day walk abroad? And when it does, shall we not
turn to these forgotten, or half-forgotten authors and give
them their proper meed of praise? For better than all the tales
ever penned by the romancers and the novelists, better than all
the theories of fiction ever formulated, they have given to the
world a noble heritage of unfettered, free imagination.
i-'or the sa*e of convenience this bibliography is divided into three
divisions: I, a chronological list of voyages ima^inaires and Kindred works;
II, a list of voyages imaginaires and kindred works arranged alphabetically
under the names authors; and III, a list of historical and critical works
dealing with prose fiction arranged alphabetically under the names of authors.
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST Oj? VOYAGES IiuAGINAIEES AND KINDRED WORKS.
N. B. — Works not strictly voyages imaginaires
are distinguished by astericks.
6th century B.C.
#Ezekiel, XL - XlVIII.
5th century B.C.
#Herodotus, True History (see lu34)
4th century B.C.
■„ Plato, Timaeus
A.D. 1st century
Antonius Diogenes, Of the Wonders beyond Thule
#Plutarch, Life of ^ycurgus
Lucian, Verae Historiae (see, 16o4 and 1684)
#Ebn Tophail, Hai Ebn Yokdhan (see, 1671, 1674, and 1708)
1350 (cir. )
Liandeville, John, The Voiage and Travail e of
uore, Thomas, Utopia (see lbt>l )
#Patri*i, La Citta Felice
Stiblin, Caspar, Commentariolus de "udemonesium hepublica
Camoens, Luiz, L* Isle Enchantee
fr English translation of Herodotus True History by .tarnaby Rich
1599 I cir.)
£odv/in, Francis, The i»an in the ^oone (written; see 1633 J
Hall, Joseph, fundus Alter et Idem (see 1603, 1669, and 1684)
English translation of Hall's fundus Alter e_t Idem by J(ohn) H(ealey)
Anon . , le Nouveau - anurge , avec sa navigation en 1* isle imaginaire
Andreae, Johann Valentine, Christianopolis (see 1741)
Caropanella, Tommaso, Civitas Solis
bacon, Francis, x<ew Atlantis I see 1640 and 1676)
#Bisel, J., Icaria
Erythraeus, J. N. , Eudemla
uodwin, i.Tancis f The ^an in the ~oon e (publi. hed)
A continuation of Eacon's New Atlantis by E.K.
Hartlib, Sarauel, i^aoria
Jott, Samuel, Nova Solyma
,-ontpensier, Anna, Kelatio n de l'lsie Iraeginaire
Aubignac, L'Abbe Hedelin d' , La_ Kelation du Koyaurae de Goqueterie
French translation of Luciaa's Verae Historiae by Perrot d'Ablincourt
Eergerac, Cyrano de, Voyage dans la Lune ( see 1669 and 1662)
English translation of Cyrano ae Eergerac' s Voyage dans la Lung
Fontaines, Louys, Kelation du ?ays de Jansenie (see 1SS8)
Sadler, John, Qlbia
Eergerac , Cyrano de , Les Voyages de Cyrano de Eergerac dans les Etats et
les Empires de la Lune et du Soliel ( see 1687 j
Tallement, L'Abbe de t ^ Voyage d_e i.' Isle d ' Amour
English trans l ation of -ouys Fontaines * E ft In 1 1 on du i r.ys de Jansenle by
Neville, Henry, Isle of Pines
An imitation of Kali's ^ undus Alter et Idem under the title ^sittacorum
Eegio , anon .
ff ±l atin translation of Ebn Tophail's Hai Eton Yo^dhan by Edward - ocock
Schooten, Henry van. Hairy giants
En glish translation of Ebn Tophail's Hai Eon Yo^dhan from the -atin by
Edward Pococic, anon .
rarnes, Joshua, jerania
English translation of Denis d'Allais Vairasse's L'Histoire des
Severances , Parti (see 1677), anon .
A continuation of Bacon's Hew Atlantis by Joseph lilanvil
r'oigny, Gabriel, Avantures de Jacques Sadeur (see 1693)
Sadeur, Nicholas, Terre Australe (see Poigny, 1676)
Vairasse, Denis d'Allais, L'Histoire des oeverambes, .-afct I (see 1675,
Vairasse, Denis d'Allais, L'Histoire des Severambes , Part II
English translation of Denis d'Allais Vairasse's L'Histoire des
S gverambes , rart II, anon .
English translation of Ball' a ^undus ^.lter ct Idem under the title
Travels of Don i-'rancisco ^uevedo by R. 3.
English translation of ^ucian's Verae Historiae by L^ence
English translation of Cyrano de kergerac's Voyages dans la ^une et le
Soliel t anon .
Cavendish, ....argaret, Duchess of Newcastle, The b lazing V/orld
Aulnoy, Line, de, L'Isle de uelicite
Daniel, Gabriel, Voyage du Mmde de Descartes (see 1692;
English translation of Daniel's Voyage du i^onde de Descartes
English translation of /oigny' s Jacques Sadeur
# Anon . , Per WohA^ericfatete staat Ophir
Defoe, Daniel, The Consoiidator , re-worked later in the same year into
A Journey to the Loon , A Second and Lore Strange Journey to the upon
and A .better from the loan in the uoon to the Author of "The True
horn Englishman "
#English translation of Ebn Tophail's Hai Ebn YoKdhan by Simon Ockley
Tyssot de .fatot. Voyages et Aventures de Jacoues i^asse
ff-^ontcsyuieu, Charles de, .u'Kistoire des '^'rogiodites
«Defoe, Daniel, hob ins on Crusoe
#Chetwood, -v. , Voyages of id chard .falconer
?*Defoe, Daniel, Captain Singleton
tfTyasot de xT-tot, i^a Vie , et le Voyage de C-roenland du heverend rere Cor-
delier ~ ierre de iuesonge
Sraeeks, Heinrich, xeschreioung des ^chtingen ^onigreichs *>j-inse gestae s
#Wahrenlmrg, C. von, .Land der ^ufriedenheit
Anon* , delation d'un Voyage du role Arctique au x-'ole Antarctique par le
Centre du ^onde
Legrand, M. A., .bes Aventures du Voyageur Arien
Swift, Johnathan, uul liver ' s Travels
x-ennet, i/ucas, laemoirs of the Court of Lilliput
irunt, Samuel, Voyage to Caciclogallinia
#Arbuthnot , John, An Account df the State of ^ earnin g in lilliput
Desfontaine, -'Abbe, l^ouveau Culliver (see 1731)
i-iacDermot, Uirtagh, Trip to the ^oon
Knglish translation oi' .uesfontaine 1 s iMouveau Julliver , anon .
Schnabel, J . , Insul r'elscnburg
Anon. , Trave l 3 of an Adventurous ivni,;ht in the ^inffllo::; of '.Yonder
iougeant, &« K., Prince xanferedin
^ouhy, C. A, x.amekis
berington, Sinon, uaudentio di ^ucca
Holberg, Ludwig, Iter Subterraneum (see 1747)
rfxviritby, John, Autoraathes
Rnglish translation of Hoxberg's Iter oubterraneum , anon *
x^ethune, Chevalier de. Relation du konde de ^ercure
Paltock, Robert, reter Vv'ilidns
Roumier, Robert, Voyage de milord Ceton dans les 3ej?t Pianettes
Anon * , I'Histoire d'un Houveau veuple
Cabrelos, Abbes de, Voyage dans les Rspaces In&ginaires
bricaire, H. , L'Isle Taciturn et l'lsle Ingenuee
iuartigny, Comte de, Voyage d'Aleim^don
Anon . , The £ raise of Hell ; or, a View of the Infernal ^e^ions
^t-n^-iish translation of Plato's republic by bishop lipens
Anon . , A Voyage through Hell
Clairfons, Julie, xies Isles uortunees
cretonne , N* , La l>ecouverte Australe par un Homme Volant
1783 - 1787
urivel, M. f L'lsle Inconnue
Anon * , The Pope' s Journey to the Qthe r „orld to ^eek Advice and Assistance
against the National Assembly of trance
Walker, ueorge, The Vagabonds
VOYAGES l^JIHAIRKS AMD KIHDRED WORKS
M. R. — Works not strictly voyages inaglnaires are
distinguished by astericks.
Andreae, Johann Valentine , . Reipubl icae Christianopol itanae Descriptio , Strass-
German translation by D. S. deorgi, ^eise nach der lnsul Caphar Salama ,
1741; another ed., 1764.
English translation by tf. E. Held, 1914.
Antonius Diogenes, Of the Wonders beyond Thule , cir. 1st century, ^reserved only
in summary by Phctius, ed. I. Bekker, pp. 109 - 112.
Arbuthnot, John, An Accovnt of the State of .Learning in the Empire of Lilliput ,
toge ther v.'ith the History and Character of Nullum , the Emperor' s
^jprary-Aeeper ♦ x-'cithfully transcribed out of Ca ptain Lemuel
Gulliver * s General Description of the Lrai ire of Lilliput , 1728.
Reprinted in Arbuthnot ' s Life and Work? , ed. G. A. Aitkin, 1892, pp. 483-
/■ulignac, L'Abbe Rede 1 in d' , La delati on du Royaune de Coqueterie , Paris, 16L4.
Reprinted in Voyages Imagine, ires , vol* xxvi.^
Aulnoy, ±*me. d» , L* Isle de ^eiicite , cir. 1690,
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxvii.
Bacon, Prancis, The liew Atlantis ; in Sylva Syl varum ; or a Ilaturall History , in
Ten Centuries , folio, 1826; 1627; 1628; 1631; 163o; 1639; 1651; 16o8 ;
1662; 1664; 1670; 1684.
Reprinted and bound with Hall's fundus Alter e-t Idem and Campanelia's
Civitas Solis , 1643; same in 1680.
Reprinted in Ideal Corsmonwealths , ed. Henry Lorley, 188 o.
Prench translation, 1636.
Por continuations see:
Barnes, Joshua, 'Jerania ; or a new Discovery of a Little sort of People anciently
discoursed of , called rygmies , with a lively Description of their
Stature , Hat its . planners. Buildings , ivnowiedge , and government ,
bein F ; very delightful and profitable , x-ondon, 1675.
Begley, Walter, See Samuel Gott, i\ T ova Solyma .
Bennet, x/ucas, Memoirs of the Court of Lilliput . Written by Car tain Gulxiver ,
'/o All references to Voyages Imaginaires , unless otherwise indicated, are to
Garnier's collection in thirty-nine volumes, Amsterdam, 1787 - 1759- .
See under Garnier in this division of the bibliography.
rergerac, Cyrano de. Voyage dans la Lttne, I606.
English translation, 16;j9 ; ed. Lovoll, 1399.
jfcergerac, Cyrano de, i-es Voyage a de Cyrano de rergerac dans Les Etat s et lea
Emi ires de la ^unc et du Soliel , et 1 [ Kistoire des Oi scaux , 1662.
Reprinted in Voyages lnagina ires t vol* xiii, pp. 116 - 461, 1767;
Reprinted, ed. Delahaya, 1868.
English translation, 1687.
berington, Simon, The Adventures of Jcudentic di Lucca , being the substance of
his examlnat ion before the gathers of the lnc.uisition , at rologna , in
Italy , giving on account of an unknown country in the midst of the
desarts of Africa copied i'rom the original manuscript in St . mark' s
Library , at Venice , with criti cal notes by the learned Slgnor Rhedi ,
translated from the Italian , with §_ , refacc by the ± ublisher , and
an Introduction by P. Alisio de St. Ivorio , 1737$ 1746; Dublin, 1821.
Beprinted in Novelist ' s kaga^ine , vol. xxi, 1786.
.•rend: translation in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. vi, 1787.
bethune. Chevalier de, Relation du nonde de i.,ercure, 2 vols., Geneva, 1750.
Reprinted in Voyag es Imaginaires , vol. xvi, 1787.
#bisei, J., Icaria , London, 1627.
rordelon, L. , uougam ou 1 'Homme iTodigieux trans] orte dans l'a ir , sur le terre ,
et sous les eaux , ^aris, 1711.
Reprinted, Amsterdam, 1713.
I ougeant , 6 . H . , Voyage ^ervellieu du x'rince Panferedin dans la Romancie ,
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxvi , 1787.
bretonne, Nicholas E« , La_ Decouverte Australe par un horame volant . Ou le Dedal e
f rancaise ; noxr/elle tres p hilosophique, Leipzig and Paris, 1781.
bricaire de la Dixmerie, N* , L'lsle Taciturn et l'lsle Enjouee , 1759.
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol* xxvii, 1787.
brunt, Samuel, Voyage to Cacklogallinia with §_ description of the_ religion ,
. olicy . Customs and ^anne rs of that Country , ^ondon, 1727.
Cabrelos, Abbes de, Voyage dans les Espaccs Imaginaires , 17^3.
Camoens, -^uys, L'lsle Enchantee , cir. 1572.
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. x^vii, 1787.
Canpanella, Tommaso, Civitas Soils , vel de reipublica idea dialogus poeticus .
Interlocutores ; Rose, italarius ^agnus et nautarum gucernator
ijenuensis hospes , Prankfort, 1620; 1623.
Reprinted and bevind with bacon's Jew Atlantis and Hall's Uundus Alter et
Idem , 1643; 1630.
English translation by Halliday for Henry korley's Ideal Commonwealths ,
Cavendish, Largaret, Duchess of Newcastle, Description of a i.ew World , called
the Biasing World . 1666; 1688.
Calirfons, Julien J. M. de, Les Isles i-ortunees , ou les Avcntures de rathryllc
et de CleoLule , 1771.
A new edjtion reviewed and corrected by the author in Voyages Imggjgalrea .
vol. x, pp. 97 - 210, 1737.
Daniel, Cabriel, Voyage du Londe de Descartes , raris, 16?0; 1702; 1720; 1729.
English translation, lu92.
Another by T. Taylor, Voyage to the World of the Certesians . 1694.
Defoe, Daniel, The Consolidator ; or alemoirs of oundry Transactions from the
World in the ±uOon. Translated from the ^unar ^,-nguage , by the Author
of the ' True Lorn E nglishman ',' 17 Ot,.
Defoe, Daniel, A Journey to the World of the ^.oon , 1705. (tartly a reprint of
the Consolidator )
L>efoe, Daniel, A Second and i..ore J t range Journey to the World of the ^oon , 1705.
(Partly a reprint of the Consolidrtor )
Defoe , Daniel , A Letter from the i»ian in the ^oon to the Author of the True iorn
Englishman " , 170u. (rartly a reprint of the Consolidator J
# Defoe, Daniel, The Life and Strange Surprising Adventure of hob ins on Cruso e of
York , i>iariner , London , 1719. tfirst edition reprinted four times in
Second edition, 1719.
Third edition, 1719.
Sevehth, with Part II. 1726; 1736.
Reprinted in British Novelists , vols, xvi and xvii, 1820.
Reprinted in Works, vols, i, ii, iii, 1903.
r'rench translation in Voyages lmaginaires , vols, i, ii , iii, 1767.
f Defoe, Daniel, The Life , Adventures, and Ryracies of the r'amous Capta in Single-
ton , containing an account of his being set ashore in the island of
i^dagascar , as also of his many adventures and pyracies with the
famous Captain Avery and others , London, 1720; 1721.
Second edition, 1737.
reprinted in Works , vol., vi, 1903.
Desfontaine, rierre u\ G-. , Le liouveau uul liver , ou Voyages de Jean Gulliver ,
ills du Capitrtine x.emuel Gulliver , 1730.
Reprinted in Voyages lmaginaires , vol. xv, pp. 7 - 374.
English translation by J. Lockman, 1731.
#Ebn Tophail (Abu Jaafar lbn Al-Tdfailj, Kai Ebn YoKdhan, cir. 1193.
Latin translation by Edward rocock, Rhilosophus Autodidactus , 1671.
English translation, 1674.
Another by Simon Ockley from the original Arabic, 17C8; 1711.
Erythraeus, Janus Kicius, See uiovanni Vittoria di Rossi.
# Ezeklel . Si - XLVIII , 6th century B.C.
r'oigny, Gabriel, Leg Avantures de Jacques Sadeur dans la Uecouvcrte et lc Vola^c
de la^ -^erre Australc , contcnant lea coutumes et lea noeura des Aus -
tral leng , leur religion, lour exercises , l eur etudes , leur guerre a ,
lea anlmaux partlculiers A ce Qfl 1 8 1 et toutcs los ggretej curieuses
qui s'y trcuvent , Geneva, 1676; i^arls, 1692.
rublished also under title page: Nicholas Sadeur (author), La + erre Aua-
trale connuc , c' est a_ dire , la description de ce p ays incon nu
jusqu* lei de aes mo curs et ses coutum es par u. Sad our, avec lea
a vantures qui le conduisirent en ce contenant rodu its et ir.ises
en lumi ere par lea spina et la conduit de G( abriel ) gj oigny ) , V ann cs ,
French reprint in Voyage a inagi na i re s , vol. xxiv, 1737.
rontainea, ^ouys, Kelation du i N ays de Jansenie , ou il traite des singular it en
qui 3'y trouvent , des coutume s, ^oeurs , et religion des Habitants ,
i rtris, 1660.
Knglish translation "with a nap of the country" by t. b., 1663.
Gamier, (editor). Voyages lmaginaires , romanes^ue s, memeillieux , allegoriques ,
amusans, corniques , et critiques , suivis des s onge s et visions , efe
des romans catalisticjues , 39 vols*, Amsterdam, 1737 - 1789.
jtf'or voyages imaginaires in this collection see: d'Aubignac, Aulnoy,
£ergerac, beriogton, tethune, rougeant, rricaire, Camben^ , Clairfons,
Desfontaine, Srivel, Holberg, Legrand, j-ucian, iuartigny, Mont r ens ier ,
..ouhy, baltock, boumier, Sorel, Swift, ^allenent , Vairasse.
Glanvil, Joseph, Anti-fanatical Religion , and *Yee Philosophy . In a Continua-
tion of the i^ew Atlantis , 1676.
Godwin, Francis, A view of St . Helena , an island in the Ethiopian Ocean , in
America , now in the possession of the honorable East - Indian- Company ,
where their ships annually refresh in their Indian voyages ; with an
acco'ant of the admirable Voyage of Lomingo Gonzales , the little
Spaniard , to the World in the ^oon , by the Help of several Gansa' s
or large Jeese . An inganious bancy , written by_ a late learned bishop
Reprinted under title, The in the Loone ; or a_ Discourse of a_ Journey
thither by Domingo Gonzales , the Speedy messenger , 1657
Reprinted in Anglia , vol. x, pp 423 - 456.
r -eprinted in Karleian miscellany , vol. xi, pp. 511 - u34.
brench translations, 1648, 16o4, 1671.
German translations, 1659 and 1660.
Gott, Samuel, i»ova Soiyma the Ideal City ; or Jerusalem Regained , i-ondon, 1648;
English translation v/ith an introduction and notes by Walter begley, 1S02.
Grivel, Guillame, ^'Isle Inconnue , ou ^.empires du Chevalier des Gastines , con-
tenant 1* histoire de_ la_ reformat ipn et de civilisation de la societe ,
1733 - 1737.
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaire s, vols, vii, viii, ix, 1767.
H, R. , flew Atlanti s continued by , 1640; j-ondon, 1660.
Hall, Joseph, uundus Alter et Idem slve Terra Austral is ante hao se.iper incognl ta
longls 1 1 lncri Lus peregr in! Academic 1 imperrimc luotrata , Hanover t
1607 ; Prankfort, no date given.
reprinted and bound with tacon's New Atlant is and Gampanelln • I Civitas
Soils , 1643; sa:ne t 1680.
Heprinted in Works, vol. xii, Oxford, 1839.
English translation, anon . , The D is cover:/ of a_ +«ew World or a fiescrif tion
of the South Indies , hitherto unKnowne . i:y an hnglis h Ik rcury . No
date or place given.
Another by J(ohn) H(ealey), A Discoverie , and No Discoverie , of a World
and No .Vorld , .both rjiowne and Unknowne , by a Traveller that never
Travelled ; Written Pirst in ratine and No ratine , and i<ow Translated
and Yet ^ot ^anslr ted , by the Same .^n Yet not the. Same ~an that
Pirst of. All Penn'd It , 16C8.
Another by 'ta. h.ing as far as Book 1, chapter 7, no date; reprinted in
Ideal Comiaonwealths , ed. Kenry ^orley, pp. 267 - 234, 1885.
Por translation which profess to be orignal work see:
Kartlib, Samuel, A Description of the lungdom of .nacar ia ; shewing its excellent
government , rherein the inhabitants live in great prosperity , health ,
and happiness ; the King obeyed , the nobles honoured , and all good men
respected ; vice punished and virtue rewarded . An example to other
nations . In §_ dialog between §_ Scholar and a Traveller , 1641
Reprinted in Karleian miscellany , vol. iv, pp 380 - 387.
#Herodotus, The True history , 5th century B.C.
Pirst European edition, Aldus, Venice, 1502.
rirst English translation by Harnaby Hich, 1584.
Standard English translation ty li. Hawlinson, 1858 - 1860; reprinted in
Everyman Library, 1910.
Kolberg, .uudwig. Iter Subterraneuro Nicolani Klimi i, Cppenhagen, 1741
English translation, 1747.
French translation, Le_ Voyage de Nicholas a! imius dans le monde souterrain
contenant une nouvelle theorie de la terre , et l'histoire d'une
cinuuieme monarchie inconnue juaqv'a present ; ouvrage traduit du
+>atin par de iuaijjvillon , in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xix.
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kirkby, John, The Capacity and Extent of the Human Understanding ; exemplified in
the extraordinary case of Automat he s , a_ Young Nobleman who was
accidentally left in his infancy u pon §_ desolate island , and con-
tinued nineteen years in that solitary state , separate from all
Human society , London, 1745
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i-egrand, i-iark Antoine, j.es Aventures ^u Voyageur .o-rien , Paris, 1724.
reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxiii.
Anon . , .Life and Adventure? of John Daniel , conta i n ing hi a Shipwreck with one
Companion on a -^esolate Island : his acci iental Discovery of a Woman .
^heir peop ling of the the Island , ^lso a rescript Io n of an ..ag io
invented by his Son Jacob t on which he flew to the i..oon , with some
account of its Inhabitants . His he turn and accidental /all into the
Habitation of a oca-monster , with whom he lived two .years , 17
Lucian, Verac Historiae . cir. A.D. 200.
rirst -.uropean edition, Florence, 1456.
Prench translation by rierre d'Abliccurt with allegorical continuation,
1654; reprinted in Voyages lma^inaires . vol. xiii, pp. 1 - 112.
English translation by rerrand 3pence, 1684.
Another by H. W. and E. J. Fpwler, Oxford, 190b.
Another by. A. T. Hatmpn with alternate jages of »ireek text, itew York, 191.
--acflermot, iuxirtagh ( pseud . ) , A Trip to the ^oon by_ -urtagh ncLermpt ; containing
some observations and reflections made by him during his stay in
that planet upon the manners of the inhabitants , Dublin, 1728.
iaandeville, John, The Voiage and Travaile of , cir. 13^0.
printed by Eynspn, no date given; by Vvynkiyn de Worde, 1499 ; by T. Este,
1568; 158- ;
Reprinted in Hakluyt's Voyages , 1598 - 1600.
Other reprints in 1612, 1613, 1625, 1657, 1670, 1677, 1684, 1696, 1705,
1722, 1725, and 1727.
Reprint Of edition of 172o, ed. J. 0. Halliwell, 1339; re-issued 1366 and
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i^artigny, Le Comte de, Voyage d' Alcim^don , ov nauf rage qui conduit au i ort ♦
Eistoire plus vraie que vraisemblable , mais qui peut encourager a la
recherche des terres inconnu^s , Amsterdam, 1759; iJancy and Paris,
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. x, pp. 1 - 94.
Montesquieu, Charles de, I'Eistcire des Troglodites , cir. 1713.
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. x, pp. 213 - 222, 1787.
...pntpensier , Anne, -^elation de 1' Isle Imaginaire , 1662.
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Lore, Thomas, De opt imp reipublicne statu , deoue no^a insula Utopia , i^ouvain,
Seccnd editipn, Paris, 1617.
Third editipn, Easle, 1518.
i-'Purth editipn, Venice, 1519.
Pifth editipn, Basle, 1520.
English ti-anslatipn by Ralph Robinson, 15^1; reprinted with an introduc-
tion and notes by Churtpn Collins, 1904.
Other English reprints 1597, 1606, 1624, 1639, 1684, 1808, 1869, 1379.
reprinted in mpdern English in Ideal Commonwealths , ed. Eenry Lorley,
pp. 53 - 167, 1335.
uorelli, Lea liaufra^es des Isles * lottantes , ou la Basiliade de iilpai , 2 vpls
.uouhy, Charios Pieux de, -uanekis t ov lea Voyages cxtraorlnairea d'un ggyj t ien
dans la terre inter leure' , pvec la deco;jverte d' Isle dee Jylphldes ,
enr ich is de notes cu r ieuscs , 173o.
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Seville, Henry, ?he lalea of I ines , or, a Late discovery of a_ j£ojuyrth Island In
Terra nuatralis Incognita . Being a True Relation of certain English
Persons, »*ho in the Dayes of v^ueen li izabeth . were cast away
/aid nor,- lately . Anno Don . 1S67 a Dutch Ship . . . . have found their
Posterity , 1668.
A Hew and farther Diacovery of the Isle of . ine a in a_ ^etter from C^rnel-
iuae van Sloetten , 1668.
The tv;o bound together, 1668.
2*ewca3tle, .-argaret Ducheaa of, ^ee Cavendish .
Anon . , ^£ ivouveau Pjanurrje, avec sa navigation en 1* isle iiriaginaire , Rochelle,
Paltoot, Robert, .Life and Adventures of reter Wilkina , London, 17t)0; 1751.
Reprinted at Dublin, 17i>-
-vefrinted in xppular homances , ed. H. Weber, pp. 201 - 348, 1812
imprinted, ed. A. H. Bullen, 2 vole. 1834.
French tranalation by P# de ruisieux, i.es Homme s volants , ou les a ventures
de Pierre Wil Aina , 1763; reprinted in Voyages lr/iaginairea , vola/
xxii and xxiii, 1737.
Jenrjan translation, Die f liegenden uenachen Oder wunderbare Begebenheiten
.reter Wilkina , 1767.
Patriiii, Prancesco, La Citta Felice , Venice, loo3.
Perthe, de, (editor), Voyages Iroaginaies , 1733 - 1739.
Anon . , I iatoire d'un peuple nouveau ; ou , Deccuverte d'une isle a_ 43_ degrees 14
minutes de latitude meridi onale par David Ton,! son , capita ine du
vaisseau le Boston , £ son ret our de la Chine en 1756 . Ouvrage
traduit de l'Angiaia , Londres , 1757
#Plato, Critiaa , 4th century B.C.
English translation by B. Jowett in Worka , vol. ii, pp. 535 - 607.
ffxlato, Kepublic , 4th century B.C.
Pirst English translation by E. Siena, 1763; reprinted in Everyman Library
Standard English translation by B. Jowett in Tor its , vol. ii, pp. 1 - 452.
#Plato, Timaeus , 4th century B.C.
English tranalation by B. Jowett in Works , vol. ii, pp. 453 - 584.
#Plutarch, Life of Lycurgus , 1st century A.D.
English translation reprinted in Ideal Core: :onwealths , ed. Henry korley,
Anon . , The Pope ' s Journey to the ether World to ^eek Advice and Assistance
agt-inst the National Assembly of Prance , 1791.
Anon - , The . raise of He 1 1 : or, a view of the Infernal region a ■ Containing a one
account or the advantages of that [ lace wlt)i respect to ita Antiquity ,
Sit u.ntion , and Stability . Together with a_ Descr i ption of 1 ts In-
habitants , their 1 resscs , iJanners , Amuse no nts and . .rip 1 oyrr.cn 1 8 , etc.
Anon . t i. 8lttacorum +iegio . The .Land of t nrrotts ; or the Shee lands . With a de-
BOrl] ti on of other strange adjacent countries in the Domini one cf_ the
r'rincc d' Amour , not hlthe rto found in any ggogrg) hical rr.ai . by one
of the most repute d wits , ^ondon, 1669 (Tl is is an imitation of
Ball's fundus Alter et Idem ]
Anon . , ^elation de ce qui s'est passe dans la nouvelle decouverte hoyaume de
I'ri'squemore , raris, 1662.
Anon . , relation d'un voyage du role Arcti^ue au + ole Antarctique i ar le centre
du i-onde , avec la descr ir tion de ce t erilieux passage , et des choses
mcrveixlieux et etonnantes qu'on a decouvertes sous le i^ole Antarc-
tique , 1723.
Reprinted in Voyages Iraginaires , vol. xix, pp. 367 - 434
F.ossi, Giovanni Vittoria di, Ludemia , Leyden, 16Z7 ; Amsterdam, 164o; Frankfort,
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S. , R. , The Travels of Don Prancisco ^uevedo through Terra Australis Incognita
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Sadeur, Nicholas, ->-a fferre Australe, 1676. See Poigny, G.
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and .manufactures ; with other things remari^ablc . by a_ Christian Pil-
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Schnabel, Johann Gottfried, '.Yunderiiche Pata einiger See-Pahrer , absonderlich
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Stibiin, Caspar, Commenta r io-lus de EudemgnengPtga Rfjmblloa , Lasle, 1655.
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reprinted five times in 1726.
Another in 1726 - 1727.
x-ive in 1727.
A new edition with a key in 1726.
Another issue in 1735.
fourth edition in 1742.
tfifth edition in 1747.
reprinted in Novelist's .«a t ,a^ine , vol. ix, 1324< also in j opular Romances ,
ed. E. Weber, 1312.
modern edition in Works , ed. G. R, Dennis, vol. viii.
French translation, anon . , Hague, 1727
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naire ,yol. xiv, 1787.
Dutch translation, The Hague . 1727.
Tallement, L'abbe de, Voyage de 1* Isle d ' Amour , 1663.
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Taylor, T., See Daniel, Voyage du kone de Descartes .
Anon . , Travels of an Adventurous ^night through the /vingdom of bonder , 1731
jTyssot de ratot, La vie , les aventures e_t de_ voyage de Croenland du lie ve rend
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Anon . , A Voyage through Hell by the Invincible iiaan of War Captain Single -eye .
Dedicated to your grandfather . 1770.
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| Anon. , Per W ohlgerichtcte St§at der Lisher von vielen geauchten aber nlcht £e-
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Elarlohtung der Kohen und Nle flerg ochulen dca APnigs ^ual ittttcn
Vermghlungsnrt Auf er^ie v ung der K-ttnigl icheji rTint^ en und Prlntaee-
sinnen die nttnigliche Koffhalt und Kegleruag die da.be i bef indllchen
bediente n Land und Stadt-ObrigKe iten dere n llrwflhl Verricht und
sea^-ldung in gle ich en die so wohl insgemein als lnaonder heit das
das staatapolicey , Just ia-Commercien-Cammer und d e a und h e i t a - We a e n
betref fende deseta und Ordnuag Itebat alien wissen nflthigan
lin chrichten und kerkwurdigtceiten vorstellet , ^.eir^ig, 1699.
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The author of this thesis was born in Dayton, Ohio,
January 24, 1887. He was educated in the public schools of
that city, and was graduated from Steele High School in
June, 1904. In September 1907 he entered the University of
Illinois, Urbana, Illinois; and in June 1910 he was graduated
with honor. He received the degree Master of Arts from the
same institution in June, 1912. During the years 1910 - 1912
he was an Assistant in English at the University of Illinois.
He was an Instructor in English at the Oklahoma State College,
Stillwater, Oklahoma, during the year 1912 - 1913, and the
following year was v^ce an Instructor in English at the Wash-
ington State College, Pullman, Washington. In September,
1914, he returned to the University of Illinois as an In-
structor in English, and at the same time resumed his graduate
study. During the past year he has been a Fellow in English
at the University of Illinois. He is a member of Phi Beta